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‘Oh, Doctor!’ Wendy Doniger On The Couch (A Tantric-Psychoanalysis)

Rajiv Malhotra interviews Stuart Sovatsky an American scholar and practitioner of Psychology and Hindu traditions on the Wendy Doniger syndrome.

Note: Stuart Sovatsky is an American scholar and practitioner of Psychology and Hindu traditions for the past 40 years. We have known each other for 15 years and worked on many projects together. In fact, he supported my critiques of Wendy Doniger since the early days of that debate and hence he is cited in the book Invading the Sacred as well as my early blogs on the subject. Recently, I interviewed him on the scholarship of Doniger. As a professionally trained Freudian Psychoanalyst among other disciplines, he brings expertise to this debate which it has lacked.

Rajiv: You are a brahmacari-tantrika for a few decades. What is your favorite tantric shloka?

 Stuart: My guru Swami Kripalvanand awakened the rare path of khecari mudra of tantra in me in 1975 that uplifted my sadhana ever since. Here are my favorite shlokas from Jnaneshvar-gita on khecari and the inner union and Thirumular’s Thirumandiram on the necessity of naturally-occurring khecari for any real erotic tantra with a partner:

 A coil of lightning, a flame of fire folded (224)

She [kundalini] cleans the skin down to the skeleton (233)

Old age gets reversed (260)

She…dissolves the five [bodily] elements (291)

…[then] the yogi is known as Khecar [tumescent tongued]

Numbered couplets related to kundalini,

Dnyaneshwari (Jnaneshvari)1, Chapter 6 (1210/2002)

 

Only Those Who Have Naturally-arising Khecari

Can Resort to Pariyanga [tantric “sex”]

Thirumandiram of Siddhar

Rajiv: Do you see a way in which this tantra perspective from centuries ago can help resolve the turmoil surrounding Wendy Doniger’s usage of psychoanalysis to interpret texts?

Stuart: Yes, the central topic of my own forty years of sadhana, clinical and scholarly research is the absolute misfit of using psychoanalytic-sexology to shed any useful light on tantra-vidya. The fact is that tantra-vidya is so saturated in devotional bhakti and stages of body-psyche maturity like khecari and kundalini. These are far beyond Freud’s so-very-limited, “final stage” of maturity which he quite pointedly named, “the genital personality.”

Rajiv: So, what I call an “invasion of the sacred” is consistent with what you regard asdistortions caused by scholars such as Doniger when they try to psychoanalyze these ancient texts used in sadhana.

Stuart: Yes, India’s culture is so rich in the Krishna-lila imagery of endless charming flirtations and mystical dalliance inclusive of a spiritual-eros state of conscioiusness far beyond the fathoming capabilities of modern man. Sringara Rasa of myriad enjoyments is already present in the collective Hindu-Indian imagination: then what need at all does dharma-vidya have for a psychoanalytic “invigoration” of its traditions? In my opinion: almost none.

Rajiv: Do you have some examples of how psychoanalytic distortions make more problems than they solve?

Stuart: Freudian ideas would make a travesty of khecari mudra, a word which I very, very carefully translate as “lingual-pineal puberty of the Soul identity,” that transforms the entire endocrine chemistry. This transformation results in ecstatic, reverential feelings and electrifying “tumescences” that infuse the inner and outer life. These experiences go way beyond Freud’s reductive psychology of “desire” and its “genital primacy ego.” Nearly a century ago, Freud called yoga “a killing of the instincts.” Later, he pathologized all spiritual experiences by calling these “oceanic feelings” a fearful “regression to the womb.” So the core problem is a clash between Freud and yoga, because Freud sees the yogic higher states as serious mental disorders.

Rajiv: Have there been any significant consequences to this pathologization of meditative states by these psychoanalysts?

Stuart: Unfortunately, yes. I worked with psychologist and psychiatrist colleagues for twenty years to change the American Psychiatric Association diagnostic code book, the DSM-IV. My effort was to differentiate those who seek the “oceanic feeling” via meditation or bhakti longings for union, from those persons with psychiatric disorders. From Freud on, these psychiatrists had lumped meditative states with the severe “Depersonalization – Dissociation Disorders.” Doniger’s decades of Sanskrit scholarship shows that she does not understand how psychoanalysis has a long history of distorting Indian dharma, not shedding light on it.

Rajiv: You are broadening the scope of the Doniger havoc beyond the ivory tower and public drama into the ripple effects on people’s lives.

Stuart: Yes, this is real stuff! This distorting of tantric texts by these psychoanalyzing scholars gives more legitimacy to the errors perpetuated by psychiatry in this area; it harms ordinary people hoping to uplift their lives. The West has Adam and Eve with their “enmity between man and woman” as a core background myth to contend with.

Moreover, Freud’s odd choice of the Oedipus Myth of child-parent sex and hatred, has ruled my profession for a good fifty years. Radhe Krishna on the other hand, is a beautiful idealization of romantic love. I begin many of my marriage therapy sessions by showing couples headed towards divorce, the sandalwood carving of Radhe Krishna lovingly gazing at one another that I have had in my office since 1987. It turns their heads completely around! And this includes Hindu and mixed-marriages in the US.

Rajiv: What about Indian marriages today? Doniger stirred a hornet’s nest with her psychoanalyzing of Indian culture.

Stuart: Your question reminds me of a couples’ workshop I led after one of our conferences in India, which focused on improving communication skills in almost all marriages, Indian and others. But, instead of using the Freudian-shaped psychodynamic “let it rip” idea of marriage counseling that too often breaks couples up, I shared tantricdristhi of opportune moments of gazing at one another (during a moment of admiration, sorrow or gratitude) or nyasa sacred touch to deepen the love between these long-married spouses.

But, once again, the core values of lifelong marriage and family life and any aspirations for a “sacred sexuality” need not and should not get supplanted with Freudian genital-centric preoccupations. A best-selling pop-sexuality author wrote Life is Too Short for Tantric Sex in which he assumes that tantra has no place in today’s fast paced world because it requires maturity. This same erotic-impatience creates the too-hip cultural mood that leads to many unnecessary divorces and broken homes of the so-called, “liberated” modern world. Indian marriages can and indeed should instead turn to the lifelong-developing paths of tantra. (See this 1982 study for more on “psychotherapy in India” )

Rajiv: So, contemporary Indian therapists, rather than blindly aping Western therapy models, can draw from tantragrihastha and bhakti teachings.

Stuart: Exactly. Indian therapists should continue to add dharma perspectives where garbha “womb-as-holy-Creatrix” and bindu-seminal-milk are considered as being more precious than gold. They should invoke a Shiva-Shakti dynamic appreciation of gender-interactivities that imbue the cosmos with primordial bliss and endless creativity. The Freudian pedestaling of the “purely bio-regulatory” genital orgasm in its theory of “Final Erotic Truth” seems rather limited, not to say, Eurocentric, and perhaps comical, and should be discarded by the Indian therapist. When the pineal and hypothalamus begin to secrete their ecstatic rasas, then one knows for sure what I mean here.

Rajiv: So, even the eroticism of so-called “modern sex” falls short of tantra? And what about the yogi’s path?

Stuart: Yes, when we add in the inner marriage, the saintly-ecstatic manifestations of brahmacarya of the yogis and the Buddha’s bliss (that is completely distorted when translated with the baggage-laden term, “celibacy,”), there can be only one conclusion: Psychoanalysis is obviously helpful to its true-believers, but is incapable of non-reductively dealing with tantra-vidya. In this regard, Invading the Sacred should be required reading for all scholars of tantric texts. My own book, Advanced Spiritual Intimacy is a 300-page discussion and protection of this holy of holies to uplift lives, families and marriages beyond the psychoanalytic “liberation,” worldwide.

Rajiv: We aren’t alone in critiquing the limitations of psychoanalysis. Who else did you find that has published such warnings?

Stuart: As early as 1955, Herbert Marcuse warned in Eros and Civilization of the de-spiritualizing effects of this exclusively “bio-sensate” psychoanalytic theory and called for a “re-spiritualization of the instincts.” Jung, of course, was excommunicated from the Freudian fold for asserting that the life energy (prana) should be seen as spiritual in nature. And earlier still in 1932, Aldous Huxley’s Brave New World envisioned a futuristic and coldly mechanistic “sex-centric” world that has become only too real, such that even its more liberal proponents now speak out that aspects of “modern sex” may have gone too far.” [1]

 In his 1980 TheHistory of Sexuality, Vol. 1, Michel Foucault wrote that an entirely new category which he termed, ars eroticas (profound pleasures of the body and soul) was needed to even approach an accurate understanding of the erotic wisdom of India (as well as that of Greco-Roman, Chinese, Japanese and Arabic cultures).

Rajiv: Jung and Huxley were, of course very much basing their ideas on what they learned from Hinduism. Foucault is legendary in today’s academia. What did he say about protecting ars erotica wisdom from this “psychoanalytic gaze?”

Stuart: Foucault was adamant that the world’s ars eroticas be kept completely free from psychoanalytically-derived sexology which he saw, not as giving the world “final erotic truths” but instead as entangled from its very beginning in an ideological battle to “liberate” Europeans from the Judeo-Christian moralistic indictments of a “primordial fallenness” and an “originally-sinful flesh”. These are the cornerstones on which Western minds and bodies have been molded for millennia and the singular cause for their fear.

Rajiv: In other words, this Freudian project is violent when applied to non-Westerners who do not suffer from the Adam-Eve original sin complex to begin with. What about the psychoanalytically-trained, early anthropologists who studied the non-Western “other?”

Stuart: The early anthropologists (Mead, Benedict, Malinowski) who gazed upon “other” cultures through the psychoanalytic lens, as if from superior heights, came to similar conclusions: this lens is not a “clear, illuminating magnifying glass,” but a funhouse mirror of Oedipal distortion and “hyper-repressive desublimation” (Marcuse’s term) more likely to distort than to reveal its “object” of study.

Rajiv: Sudhir Kakar, who delivered the keynote address at the World Spirituality Congress of which you and I were co-conveners in Delhi in 2008, made an interesting comment defending Wendy Doniger. He said, “Psychoanalysis could very well have been Indian, and Freud a tantrikguru”[2]

What do you make of that?

Stuart: A freeing-up of people from their anxieties and facilitating their longings for love and pleasure is a wonderful thing. Had Freud actually been a highly devotional and mature tantricguru, learned in the ars erotica of India instead of only devising his “scientia sexualis” altogether entangled with Judeo-Christian teachings on “sin” and “fallenness,” Doniger could have used this ars erotica lens in her Indological studies.

With this very different and respectful lens, she could have helped to reveal these tantric depths, for the good of all. Indeed, in this fantasied, ars erotica “tantric Freud,” The Hindus: An Alternative History would now itself have an “alternate history.” Such a (hypothetical) book would be appreciated by all concerned.

Rajiv: Should Indian Psychology seek to free up certain sectors of the Indian populace—as Doniger and Kakar also point to?

Stuart: Here I strongly warn against imitating the Western “sexual liberation.” But I enthusiastically encourage a reinvigoration of India’s indigenous ars erotica energies, its love of the lifelong intact marriage and family lineages and, not the least, its reverential eroticism such as Thirumular notes in my opening quote to this article. Jnaneshvar echoes this further:

Attaining this [tantric khecari] state is a miracle (296)

Shakti and Shiva become one

and in their union, everything…gets dissolved (306)

Further, there is nothing more to experience beyond [this]

Hence, let me stop speaking of it

For it is useless to talk (318)

Dnyaneshwari (Jnaneshvari) Chapter 6 (1210/2002)

Selected readings and references in next page.

 Selected Readings

  • Dnyaneshwari Once Again. Translated by Radhikananda, D. Saraswati. Pune, India: Swami   Radhikanand. 2002.
  • Foucault, M. The History of Sexuality. V 1. Trans by Hurley, R. New York: Vintage, 1980.
  • Freud, S. Beyond the Pleasure Principle. In The Freud Reader, Edited by Gray, P. New York:   W. W. Norton, [1920] 1989.
  • Huxley, A. Brave New World. New York: Perennial, [1932] 1998.
  • Kripalvanand, S. Revealing the Secret: A Commentary on the Hathayogapradipika by Yogiraj Atmarama.. Edited by Berner, H. C. 1/34 Imlay Street, Merimbula, N.S.W. 2548, Australia, 2002. http://www.naturalmeditation.net/Design/meditation1RS.html
  • Marcuse, H. Eros and Civilization. New York: Vintage, 1955. Boston: Beacon, 1974.
  • Sovatsky, S. Advanced Spiritual Intimacy. Rochester, VT: Inner Traditions, June, 2014. http://tinyurl.com/kpadmzg
  • From Foucault’s Ars Erotica to the Next Wave of Inwardly Inspired Yoga and “Tantric     Sex.” In Journal of Holistic Psychology. Berkeley, CA, 2013.
  • Thirumoolar, S. Thirumandiram, A Classic of Yoga and Tantra. Vol. 1-3. Translated by Nataranjan, D. Montreal: Babaji Kriya Yoga. 1993.

Footnotes

[1] See Cindy Gallop’s “Make Love Not Porn” TED Talk http://blog.ted.com/2009/12/02/cindy_gallop_ma/ one of the “most talked about presentations” at the 2009 TED conference, on the negative effects of hardcore porn having become a main source of male sexual “education.”

[2]http://timesofindia.indiatimes.com/home/stoi/all-that-matters/Psychoanalysis-could-have-Indian-and-Freud-a-tantrik-guru/articleshow/30494766.cms

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Vedic Framework and Modern Science

Rajiv Malhotra explains how to fit modern science into the Vedic framework.

A common desire among Hindus today is to see their Vedic tradition through the lens of modern science. There are good reasons for doing this. After all, modern science has accomplished so much and given us many gifts, thus attaining the status of being the gold standard of truth. Therefore, according to most persons, the legitimacy and worthiness of any body of knowledge should be determined by the extent to which it is in conformity with modern science.

I support this aspiration, but with some important caveats and qualifiers. Unfortunately, I do not see most scholars of what is being called ‘Vedic science’ appreciating these qualifiers. Hence, I wish to first explain some characteristics of Vedic knowledge, and then discuss the issue of how this knowledge relates to modern science. Let me start with what I do not wish for: I do not wish to have Vedic knowledge become digested into modern science. On the other hand, I actually want that the process be the opposite: I wish to fit modern science into the Vedic framework.

Vedic knowledge has two broad aspects: shruti and smritiShruti is that which is eternal, with no beginning or end. It is the absolute truth unfiltered by the human mind or context. Smriti, on the other hand, is knowledge as cognized by human conditioning. All modern science is smriti. This is the key insight I wish to offer and elaborate upon. Once we understand this and figure out its implications, we can easily see how modern science fits into the Vedic framework as a new type of smriti.

Because shruti transcends human conditioning, it is only available to the level of consciousness I have called the ‘rishi state’ in my book, Being Different. This is a state potentially available to every human being, and the various paths to achieving this are available in the Vedic system of knowledge and practices.

Everything that humans in the ordinary state develop, interpret and transmit is conditioned by the filters programmed into our minds; and hence it is smriti. Science is the understanding of reality based on human senses and reasoning, and hence is limited by these. All accounts of history are smriti. All political ideologies, including the constitutions of nations and the various laws of society are human constructions. All conceptual categories, vyavaharika (worldly) knowledge and experience are filtered through human conditioning. Every kind of knowledge being taught in the modern education system is limited to smriti because it consists of works produced by the human mind.

The relationship between shruti and smriti is very important to understand. These are not two disconnected realms. One can lead to the other: each path to attain the rishi state starts out in the vyavaharika realm, and each such path is based on smriti knowledge. Most forms of sadhana or spiritual practice we do are based on some smriti, and these have the potential to eventually lead us to the rishi state. Many texts used for yoga, bhaktijnana and various other process are smritis. This is the relationship between absolute and relative knowledge, or between the transcendent and worldly realms.

Each epoch of history and every level of human consciousness had its own context in which knowledge has been generated and made available to us. Hence, we can think of shastraitihasa and purana each as a certain genre or type of knowledge. Each is a smriti serving the purpose of informing certain kinds of minds, in ways suitable for such minds. Each genre of smriti is an approximation of shruti. As humans advance, they develop new needs and build new capabilities to fill those needs. Hence, new genres of smriti are always emerging as a result of human creativity.

Seen in this way, modern science is a special type of smriti developed for the logical mind, which is a mind that seeks truth by the criteria of such truth being reproducible and verifiable by anyone. This modern scientific truth has achieved great success in solving many kinds of practical problems. Instruments have been developed to measure and hence verify (or refute) empirical claims to ever finer levels of detail. Better measurements lead to more refined theoretical models, which in turn lead to better technologies. This is a cycle that feeds itself. It is undoubtedly one of the greatest achievements of humankind. Western civilization deserves credit for its successful pursuit of modern science.

Given this powerful new smriti called modern science, it might seem as if we can side line shruti. Alternatively, a naïve person might see it as desirable to map shruti knowledge onto modern science’s frameworks. I call this the bad habit of digesting one civilization into another. The problem is that modern science functions in terms of reference that block shruti altogether.

The Vedic framework has both shruti and many kinds of smritis in a coherent and organically unified system. However, trying to make shruti fit into the system of modern science is an unfortunate act of distortion and a digestion of shruti. The scientific framework is not rich and open enough to allow possibilities that are critical for the integrity of shruti. The reason for this problem is that modern science did not evolve as a smriti within the Vedic system.

Our challenge now is to map modern science into the Vedic structures so as to turn it into a smriti that would be compatible with shruti. This way, science would benefit from the Vedic vocabulary and framework; this would facilitate the further development of science.

For instance, the Vedic notion of shakti as ‘intelligent energy’ cannot be replaced by separate energy and intelligence being combined into a synthetic unity. Shakti is not two separate entities seen as one, but a single unified intelligence-energy entity. Also, shakti is not constrained by localization in the sense of classical science. Indeed, there is no substitute for shakti in modern science. It is a non-translatable. It includes multiple discoveries of modern science, such as: non-local causation; energy-matter equivalence; potential states of matter as a system of intelligence, etc. Yet, all these disparate modern ‘discoveries’ do not add up to shakti, for it is more than the sum of its parts. It is a blunder when Vedic scientists translate shakti into reductionist categories like ‘energy’, etc.

Similarly, the nature of time is very different in the Vedic framework than the notion of time in modern science. The principle of karma is a theory of delayed causation: Unlike physics where causation is only immediate and empirically traced back to the cause, in karma an action can have both immediate and delayed consequences, including consequences that are not empirically traceable to the cause. So karma theory would see physics as a subset, because it deals with immediate empirical effects only. In karma theory, the delayed portion of one’s actions are stored in potential form as a subtle form of causation memory (i.e. sanskaras) whose fruits emerge at a later time in some form.

Vedic scientists should stop the habit of mapping Vedic categories on to similar sounding modern scientific ones, because in doing so they are destroying humankind’s collective knowledge and blocking potential advancements. What Vedic scientists must do, instead, is to map modern science into Vedic categories, and investigate with open minds the feasibility of various such mappings. This includes both empirical testing and theoretical debates.

Do not translate akasha as space or ether. Rather, space/ether type of entities could be seen as a small subset of akasha. Fire is a subset of agni and its many forms. The fashionable term ‘energy healing’ (itself largely based on appropriating Vedic ideas) is a subset of the vast terrain we know as pranic healing. The list is endless.

There is another problem with rash translations of Vedic terms into modern science. Because science is smriti, it is in flux and will always be superseded by superior models as humans advance their vyavaharika knowledge. When that happens, the Vedic mappings to science will make the Vedic framework seem obsolete as well. For instance, Indians mapped akasha as ‘ether’ in the late 1800s, in order to make Vedic knowledge look ‘scientific’. A few decades later, physicists rejected the concept of ether. What did that do to the category of akasha? It became embarrassing as something that ‘science had proven to be false’. So it is better to let akasha remain akasha and resist the craving to impress modern scientists.

Whatever is non-translatable is also non-digestible. As long as we retain our framework and its categories, and utilize them actively in futuristic research, we will be able to protect the integrity of our tradition. This should be the basis for our identity; it is priceless.

The key research project for us is to identify principles and practices of Vedic knowledge that can be shown to be distinct from the conventional science of a given epoch. It has been shown that the mathematical idea of infinitesimal and infinite series was incompatible with Christianity’s worldview and was imported from India to Europe, leading to the ‘discoveries’ by Descartes, Newton and others.

Many Ayurveda principles are simply alien to Christianity as well as modern medical science because Ayurveda uses notions of physiology that Western medicine lacks. Hence, certain Indian diets that are becoming trendy in the West for medical benefits have been validated empirically by modern medicine, but the science behind these is still new in the West and is disconnected with core Western assumptions about the nature of the human being. Vedic principles of the environment are rapidly being assimilated for the sake of modern ecology; but the framework on which they are based is being separated out, the ‘useful elements’ isolated and grafted on to Western frameworks. As a result, the environment is now being protected more for the sake of ‘natural resource management’ than as a stakeholder in its own right. The single most promising area of Vedic knowledge for the future is in the vast realm of the mind sciences. This has been an ongoing research topic for me and one in which I intend to write extensively.

While most of the Vedic scientists have been negligent in doing purva-paksha to understand the digestion under way, the Western scientists have been frantically busy in their mining expedition to extract and digest Vedic knowledge. Many Vedic scientists, gurus and political leaders have foolishly been serving such enterprises, in the name of ‘becoming global’.

The Abrahamic religions are disconnected from both shruti and modern science. They do not allow the notion of the rishi state as a human potential. Therefore, what we call shruti is simply unavailable in their system. Humans, according to them, are inherently limited only to the smriti level of knowledge. To transcend this human limit of conditioning and context (i.e. to go beyond the smriti level), one has to receive messages from God sent through prophets. This is the only way by which humans can hope to know the higher truth that cannot be directly cognized by our limited minds. As a result of this, the history and texts of the lineage is all we have to know the higher truth. This is why the Abrahamic religions are stuck in past history and fight to death over minute details of that history. There are no rishis available to them to rediscover the higher truth, because the human potential does not include such higher states.

The Abrahamic religions have also never had an adequate framework for science. On the contrary, being history-centric has made them persecute free thinking. Hence, they cannot even allow new smritis based on new contexts and new human experiences.

Templeton Foundation has been pioneering on behalf of Judeo-Christianity to bridge the separate worlds of science and religion. It hijacked the project started by Infinity Foundation at the University of California started in the 1990s. This project was bringing into the academic world the dharma-based metaphysics of science and spirituality (vyavaharika and parmarthika, respectively). After Infinity Foundation had funded and provided intellectual inputs to this program for three years, Templeton learned about it and came with much larger funding offers to take over the project. The direction was changed and it switched over to becoming another one of its digestion projects. They recruited many Hindu thinkers, including some prominent ones that Infinity Foundation had nurtured for several years.

The above is only one of several examples where our intellectuals have been co-opted by those who want to impose their worldview; a worldview which is usually based on the western Judeo-Christian framework and propped up as the Universal. My point is that our intellectuals have lacked the vision to pursue research that would be in our best interests, and have aligned themselves with those trying to digest our heritage.

To sum up, I wish to leave the reader with the following key points:

  • Modern science should be seen by us as a new kind of smriti, one that has a very useful purpose.
  • Unfortunately, this new smriti has been built on a framework and vocabulary that is disconnected from the Vedic one, and hence it would be a good idea to express modern science in Vedic terms. This would allow us to develop modern science further because of the broader framework offered by the Vedas.
  • Abrahamic religions are a form of smriti also, but very limited and primitive, because they do not believe in the human potential I have called the rishi state. This makes these religions historically frozen and dogmatic, vulnerable to violence.
  • A serious blunder that is going on is the fashion to map shruti on to modern science (and even to Abrahamic religions). This must stop, and be reversed: We must do purva-paksha of modern science and the Abrahamic religions using our frameworks instead.
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Stop Feeding the Crocodile: The Ivy League Syndrome

A new humanities discourse around India has to be created from scratch. The existing one, is beyond repair. 

Recently, Narendra Modi’s visit to Silicon Valley was attacked in a petition by US-based academicians led by scholars like Wendy Doniger and Sheldon Pollock. Over 80 per cent of the signatures were by Indian ‘sepoys’ joining the bandwagon. As a rejoinder, there emerged two counter petitions supporting Modi, each signed by much larger numbers of US-based academicians, who were also mostly Indians. This clash between the two camps of Indians is important to analyse because they represent two entirely different constituencies.

The anti-Modi petitioners proudly characterised themselves as faculty members of South Asian Studies, the new term for what was known as Indology in the colonial era. Stated simply, this is the study of India’s faiths, culture, history, politics, journalism, social sciences and related areas. On the other hand, the pro-Modi academicians were mostly from science, technology, business, medicine, law and other technical fields. I will refer to the former group as ‘South Asianists’ and the latter as ‘technocrats’. It is not a mere coincidence that these opposing camps are shaped by the disciplines they work in. It is important to understand the reasons for this.

South Asianists learn about India using Western-developed frameworks, vocabularies and theories that have Western cultural biases built into them. This hegemonic discourse on India subverts Indian native categories and the Vedic worldview, characterizing Indian civilization as a human rights nightmare whose solutions must come from Western thought. In other words, the South Asian Studies lens uses the West’s past for interpreting India’s present. The solution offered is that India’s desirable future is to mimic the West’s present society. The field is driven by the consensus of Ivy League gatekeepers, who can act like a sort of mafia to make or break an individual’s academic career.

The technocrats are not burdened by such culturally-determined programming, at least not to the same extent. Their disciplines are based more on empirical data and logic. In other words, it is possible to argue one’s controversial thesis in Chemistry, for instance, by demonstrating laboratory evidence that is verifiable. But it is not as easy to prove a theory of human rights violations without dealing with cultural biases of various kinds. The humanities are inherently more subjective, and hence vulnerable to power plays.

Another difference is that the technocrats tend to be more logical. A typical batch of students entering college in the technocrat fields tends to have higher scores in mathematics (i.e. logical mind set) than their counterparts entering humanities and social sciences. Add to this that India’s technocrats are now super confident, knowing that they are second to none in their fields. They have achieved global success based entirely on merit. Therefore, they see no reason to bow down to Westerners when it comes to interpreting their Hindu heritage. This latter quality is what differentiates me from the Indian scholars of Hinduism Studies:  I owned companies where I employed many Americans, and a large number of managers from many nations reported to me. I find that Indians lacking such a background of managing Western professionals with authority are afraid to take them on, because of their deep inferiority complexes.

In other words, our colonized mentality can be isolated largely to our professionals in the humanities and social sciences. We have a clash between Indians in the two camps of humanities and technical fields. The technocrats tend to be patriotic and the humanities/social sciences scholars tend to be Hinduphobic and apologetic. The Indian media, in turn, are largely educated in fields with deep influences from South Asian Studies.

I am not against Western Ivy Leagues in general. But I oppose their stranglehold over South Asia Studies in particular. This is equivalent to the power of colonial era Indology that was headquartered in places like Oxford.

Until recently, the South Asianists and their mainstream media supporters have had a virtual monopoly as the voice and face of India. But in recent years, a counter voice has emerged that cannot be dismissed. Only a couple of months ago, I was personally the target of a massive attack demanding that my books be withdrawn (ironically by the same South Asianists who oppose such bans when their own books get targeted). While it garnered 240 signatures, a counter petition initiated by Madhu Kishwar that supported me got well over 10,000 signatures. Every such victory is another nail in the coffin of the Hinduphobic forces.

The clash is also over who has the adhikara (authority) to speak for our heritage. South Asianists close ranks to mock at the voices that are not certified by their institutions. But our tradition has always valued experience over book knowledge. Our history is filled with exemplars who did not get certified by any institutions resembling the Western Ivy Leagues.

With this background, I wish to discuss the right and wrong approaches to address this problem. In the 1990s, my Infinity Foundation pioneered the funding of Western academicians in order to improve the portrayal of Indian civilization. It took over a decade and several millions of my hard earned dollars before I understood the academic game. Gradually, I developed my insights into how insidious the South Asian Studies machinery is. I witnessed first-hand the complex funding mechanisms, intellectual and political networks, and interlocking of agendas across government, private foundations, church and academics. That is when I concluded that planting chairs in such a giant machinery was like feeding a crocodile hoping to turn it into a friend.

I am now an ardent critic of Indian movements that seek to establish Hinduism-related chairs within Western academe. Such projects are premature and counterproductive, driven naively by glamour and prestige.

What we need first and foremost is a new corpus of content and discourse, one that would challenge the prevailing discourse on Indian civilization. Such provocative discourses simply cannot be produced from within the walls of the very same fortress that has to be exposed and dismantled. It cannot be achieved as an ‘inside job’ because that would entail a greater degree of personal risk and brilliance than what is available among our academically certified scholars today. It would also need a large critical mass of like-minded scholars in one place, with political clout and will. It is a sheer waste to develop a random scattering of chairs here and there, occupied by individuals craving personal (petty) career success.

Given the cost of setting up one academic chair in USA (approximately $4 million), it would be far better to use that money and set up a whole department of scholars in India with the concentrated goal to develop a new discourse on some specific topic. As an example, a centre to develop a Hindu perspective on women’s status and role could be tasked to produce game changing discourse on that theme. This would then be disseminated worldwide through multiple channels. Several such theme-specific centres ought to be established in India. This is how China has taken control of the way China is being studied worldwide. They did not outsource the knowledge production about their civilization the way Indians have.

Such an approach would nurture the ‘Make in India’ spirit in the field of South Asian Studies. It would keep the adhikara and world class expertise within Indian institutions. The new genre of discourse would also be intimately connected with our traditional mathas and peethams, rather than with the likes of Ford Foundation, Western churches and think tanks and their paradigms. This would de-colonize our youth and media once they realize that we are the best experts on who we are as a people.

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Dear Andrew Nicholson..

Rajiv Malhotra responds to Andrew Nicholson’s charges of plagiarism. See this post for more context.

Dear Andrew Nicholson,

I am glad you have entered the battlefield so we can get into some substantial matters. Since this is an extended article, I want to go about it systematically, starting with the following clarifications: I used your work with explicit references 30 times in Indra’s Net, hence there was no ill-intention. But I am not blindly obeying you, contrary to your experience with servile Indians; hence your angst that I am ‘distorting’ your ideas is unfounded. My writing relating to your work can be seen as twofold:

  • Where I cite your work.
  • Where it is my own perspectives.

You are entitled to attribution for ‘A’ but not for ‘B’.

Regarding ‘A’, I am prepared to clarify these attributions further where necessary. But, as we shall see below, I am going to actually remove many of the references to your work simply because you have borrowed Indian sources and called it your own original ideas. I am better off going to my tradition’s sources rather than via a westerner whose ego claims to have become the primary source. This Western hijacking of adhikara is what the elaborate Western defined, and controlled system of peer-reviews and academic gatekeepers is meant to achieve, i.e. turning knowledge into the control of western ‘experts’ and their Indian sepoys.

Regarding ‘B’, let me illustrate by using the very same example you cite as my ‘distortion’ of ‘your’ work. You wrote in your book that Vijnanabhikshu unified multiple paths into harmony. This is correct. That comes under ‘A’. But I add to this my own statement that Vivekananda does the same thing also. This is important to my thesis that Vivekananda built on top a long Indian tradition, and not by copying ideas from the West as claimed by the neo-Hinduism camp. This is ‘B’ – my idea. Your complaint is that by asserting this about Vivekananda, I am distorting you. You fail to distinguish between ‘A’ and ‘B’ because you assume that you are the new adhikari on the subject and anything in addition to or instead of your views amounts to a distortion. I see this as a blatant sign of colonialism.

You are carrying the white man’s burden to educate the Indians even about our own culture. Please note that Vijnanabhikshu is an important person in our heritage and there are numerous commentaries on his work. Yours is not any original account of him. You got this material from secondary sources. But by complying by the mechanical rules of ‘scholarship’ you got it into western peer-reviewed publications, and hence you claim to be the new adhikari. Furthermore, nor was Vijnanabhikshu the first to unify Hinduism. I have sources of the unification of various Hindu systems that go back much further in time and you do not seem to be aware of these. My point is that Vivekananda stands on the shoulders of many prior giants within our own tradition. I cited you to the extent it worked for me but did not stop there; I took it further than you have.

Sir Williams Jones started this claim to be the ‘new pandit’ in the late 1700s when he was a top official for the East India Company. Today that enterprise is dead in one sense, but has revived and reincarnated into new forms. You do not seem conscious that your position is not only arrogant but also puts in the parampara of Sir William Jones.

I re-examined your book lately and find too many ideas taken from Indian texts and experts that are cleverly reworded in fancy English. Let’s take a look at bhedabheda Vedanta. My teacher of this system has been Dr Satya Narayan Das, head of the Jiva Institute in Vrindavan, who spent considerable time with me while I was writing Being Different where I first explained my understanding. He is considered one of the foremost adhikaris today in this system, and adhikar in our tradition is not a matter of producing publications (with lots of quotation marks and obedience to other rules), but mainly requires actual experience of what is being said. Without the inner experience of the states of consciousness being discussed, it is at best secondary knowledge.

This experience is not a simple matter for western Indologists who spend hours going through other western interpretations and Sanskrit dictionaries. By complying with the procedural requirements of citations, etc. they suddenly claim to have become the new original and primary source. This system needs to be questioned, and I have written extensively about the syndrome I call the peer-review cartel. (You can read my debate on this a decade back on Rediff.com)

Therefore, I intend to delete most of the references to your book for bhedabheda, because it is clear that you lack the adhikara as per our system. I do wish to credit you in some respects but nowhere close to what you demand. It amazes me that there is nothing original in your explanation of bhedabheda, as your knowledge is obtained from reading Indian texts, western interpretations and sitting at the feet of Indian pandits to learn. Unfortunately, western Indology does not recognize what the pandit teaches you as his work, because it is oral and not written in a peer-reviewed (hence western supervised) publication. So the whole protocol of claiming something to belong to you as the author is a sort of technology of thievery. Fortunately, Indians have started claiming back their bio-heritage such as Ayurveda from such thievery that is being done by westerners claiming that Indians never filed patents as per western rules. It is time to also claim our intellectual heritage back.

Indian pandits know their materials by heart and it is orally transmitted, and they do not have the ego to claim authorship. They are very humble and hence get taken for a ride. They are duped by any ‘good cop’ from the west who comes in Indian dress to talk to them nicely and bamboozle them into believing that he is a friend of the tradition. Westerners can pick their brains freely, without which you would not be able to learn; but then you go back to the West and have the arrogance to call it yours. As per your Western protocol, you thank the pandit in some preface once, and feel that it suffices. But if you want that my 30 references to your work fall short then by the same token, please note that you, too, ought to be acknowledging your pandits and Indian textual sources in every single paragraph, if not every sentence.

Only that portion of your work which you feel gives truly original thoughts can become yours and make you its adhikari. If you would be kind enough to send us a list of what you consider original thoughts in your book, and that I have used these because they are not found anywhere else except in your work, then I would gladly bow to you and thank you profusely. But whatever portions (which is almost the entire book) are merely your rehashing the Indian materials in fancy English, over those I do not grant you the status of ‘ownership’.

Poetry and art are different than this. There, the originality is not in the substance but in the presentation. However, you are writing analytical works and there the originality would have to be established in the content and substance of the work, and not based on the ‘form’ of language gymnastics. Much of Western Indology is a factory to copy-paste and distort Indian materials, and process it through an industrial machinery called ‘academic knowledge production’ controlled by the Western institutions, journals, funding agencies, archives, gatekeepers, standards and rules, and so forth. Its requirements of idiom, the toolkit of theories to be used, language standards, etc., are such that 99% of the Indian traditional pandits (the true keepers of adhikara) are unable to participate.

My forthcoming book examines these mechanisms of exclusion in detail, which is why the war against it has started already. (This attack by you out of the blue comes 1.5 years after Indra’s Net, not as some remarkable coincidence, but because your peers are rattled at the thought that they are about to be exposed as the continuation of Sir William Jones.)

I challenge you to disclose all your Indian teachers – these are not ‘native informants’ as your system calls them but the true adhikaris of our heritage, and whose services you purchase to be able to do your work. What frightens your colleagues is that my book will educate our traditional pandits about your methods of exploitation. Let me frighten you even further: All my books are in the process of being translated into Sanskrit, specifically for the purpose of education of young pandits about the issues I raise. So my target reader is not folks like you, but our own pandits and others who claim this as their heritage and practice. I am especially interested in those who did not sell out to western sponsorship, foreign tours, etc. These will comprise my home team. I am only doing a humble service to inform them about the issues and remedies.

This is why more and more Indologists will be asked to come out of the woodwork and defend the old fortress. In the process they will also expose themselves. But that fortress is crumbling and my work merely accelerates the process of India once again becoming the center of Indology and not a subservient satellite of it.

Indian authorities should demand the return back to India of the 500,000 Sanskrit manuscripts that are lying outside India in various Western universities, archives, museums and private collections. These are our heritage just like old statues and should be returned since they were mostly taken by theft during colonial rule. I consider these more precious than the Kohinoor diamond. Right now, it is western Indologists like you get to define ‘critical editions’ of our texts and become the primary source and adhikari. This must end and I have been fighting this for 25 years. Now we finally some serious traction, thanks in part to people like you who attack and give me a chance to make my case more openly. Please note that what happens to me personally is irrelevant, and I am glad if attacks like this awaken more people.

My response to you is nothing personal, but serves to educate my own people. You are a glaring example of what I have called a ‘good cop’, i.e., one who goes about showing love/romance for the tradition. But at some time his true colors come out when he does what I have called a U-Turn. You would make an interesting case study of the U-Turn syndrome, for which we ought to examine where you got your materials from, and to what extent you failed to acknowledge Indian sources, both written and oral, with the same weight with which you expect me to do so.

To suit their agendas, westerners have pronounced theories like ‘nobody owns culture’ and ‘the author is dead’. Our naïve pandits are too innocent to know any of this, but I wish to inform them. The claim that nobody owns a culture makes it freely available to whosoever wants to do whatever they choose to do with it. Hence, Indian cultural capital is being digested right and left. The contradiction is that the west is ultra-protective about its ‘intellectual property’ and your obsession to squeeze more references/citations out of me illustrates this.

By declaring that the ‘author is dead’, the West says the contexts and intentions of the rishis are irrelevant. They are dead and nobody knows what they meant. So ‘we’ (the Western Indologists) must interpret Indian texts by bringing our own theories and lenses. This has been the basis for the Freudian psychoanalysis of Hinduism, and all other Western theories being applied. If the original author is dead, the material does not belong to anyone. It is public domain. So whoever has more funding and powerful machinery will determine how it is interpreted. However, the same ‘nobody owns culture’ principle does not apply to what you consider as your ‘property’. Indians need to wake up to this game.

They need to stop funding Western Indology and develop Indian Indology. The ‘make in India’ ideal should also be applied here. Expecting Indologists to change because you dole out money is like feeding a crocodile expecting him to become your friend. For the first 10 years of my work in this area, I gave away a substantial portion of my life savings in an unsuccessful attempt to fund and change the Indologists’ hearts. But they play the good/bad cop game with skill. I learned a great deal because I was acknowledged as the largest funder of western Indology at one time. Then I stopped and became their harshest critic. I have on file a lot of grant correspondence with Harvard, Princeton, Columbia, to name just a few. Naturally, they worry that I am exposing their secrets. One day I will get someone to organize all that material into a publication.

Before I close, I wish to address one of your points – that I lack the competence in Sanskrit to be able to do my work. I will address in a separate article my background and experience and how it fits the specific type of work I have focused on. But meanwhile let me inform you that, just as Western Indologists work in teams of collaborators consisting of specialists in different domains, so also I have been building my team of collaborators whose combined strength on Indology far exceeds anything you can possibly match. I bring a specialty they lack, and vice versa. But I am unable to get into further details at this time.

Welcome to the battlefield! I hope we can avoid personal acrimony and deal with the multiple issues I have raised above in a professional and mutually respectful manner. I give back as hard as I get. (Dr. Swamy’s slogan, being acknowledged without need for quotation marks…)

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Key debates in the battle for Sanskrit

This book argues that Sanskrit and sanskriti are alive, sacred and sources for liberation. However, the future will depend on what the insiders of our tradition do with this. The big breakthrough will take place only if serious Sanskrit scholars and important India-based institutions enter this Kurukshetra to directly make a difference. An old adage says: a pandit is one who is moved to act upon his conviction (‘yah kriyavan sah panditah’). Change can be brought about only through action, not by armchair pandits.

I wish to propose a list of debates that will hopefully result from this book. Even if only a few of these debates take place with well-informed insiders representing the tradition, they could be game changers. This approach is also the best way to train intellectual kshatriyas who can represent the dharmic traditions confidently, based on solid knowledge and argumentation skills. Furthermore, the knowledge generated as a result of such debates would inform policymakers in education, culture, science, public health, interfaith affairs, foreign affairs and media. In each case, I state my position concisely in the list that follows.

A. Contesting the intellectual re-colonization of India
  1. Export of the adhikara for Sanskrit studies: The Battle for Sanskrit is the result of my campaign to discourage the Sringeri Peetham from being shanghaied by American Orientalists. Such a hijacking is being attempted with the help of NRI funding and the support of senior administrators at Sringeri. This illustrates a tendency for adhikara to get transferred to institutions and individuals who are invested in other civilizations. I consider this very dangerous. Debates are needed to discuss the mechanisms required for reviving and developing our civilizational foundations in a manner that does not undermine the traditional adhikara. We must develop strategies for collaboration with Western Indologists and install the safeguards needed for this.
  2. Western universalism as the privileged framework being adopted: The present trend has been to train Indian scholars in the use of Western tools for critical thinking; this requires many years of mastering a wide range of Western theories and theorists. This threatens to marginalize the tools of critical thinking found in Indian sanskriti, siddhantas, paramparas and sampradayas. Meanwhile, Indian civilizational gems are being appropriated and turned into Western assets. I use the analogy of the US dollar serving as the world reserve currency. I propose that we position some powerful Sanskrit non-translatable categories as part of the global intellectual currency for the future.
  3. Status of Orientalism: Although Sheldon Pollock claims we live in a post-Orientalist era, I argue that the old form of Orientalism 1.0 has mutated into the more sophisticated form of American Orientalism that may be seen as Orientalism 2.0. We ought to discuss whether Indology today is largely a newer and updated genre of Orientalism.

    B. Contesting the use of Buddhism as a wedge against Hinduism

     

  4. Buddhism’s relationship to Hinduism: Is Buddhism truly at odds with Hinduism? Was it really anti-Vedic as commonly alleged by Western scholars? Evidence from traditional Indian sources suggests that the differences between the two have been grossly exaggerated. In fact, Hinduism, Buddhism, Jainism and Sikhism share a common matrix/womb of dharma from which they all emerged.
  5. Chronology of key Hindu texts: In order to support their thesis that Hinduism lacked innovation due to brahmin monopoly and the oral tradition, the American Orientalists tend to explain all the innovation in Hindu texts as being the result of Buddhist interventions against the Vedas. They adjust the chronology for the primary Sanskrit texts of grammar, Purva-mimamsa, the Ramayana, etc., to locate them after the Buddha. This is to support the claim that all these texts were Hindu reactions to Buddhism.
  6. Writing in ancient India: Was writing in India introduced a few centuries after the Buddha, by foreign migrants and converts to Buddhism, as claimed by the American Orientalists? The entire history of Indian languages and culture as depicted by them disregards the evidence of writing available from the Indus–Sarasvati Civilization materials.
    C. Contesting the depiction of Sanskrit and the sanskriti based on it

     

  7. Oral tradition: The scholarship I critique in this book tries to undermine the importance of the Indian oral tradition. I have explained why the oral tradition was not only vital in the past evolution of Indian culture, but that it also holds great promise for the future development of mind sciences and offshoots into education and other fields.
  8. History of Indian languages: American Orientalists assume that Sanskrit arrived from foreign migrants into India and that it was genetically and structurally different from the Indian vernaculars. They allege that Sanskrit eventually succeeded in dominating the vernaculars and established hegemonic control over them. This contestable premise has infiltrated contemporary social theories that are being used to divide Indians into conflict-ridden linguistic and social groups. It contradicts the traditional view that Sanskrit and Prakrit (from which the vernaculars evolved) are two mutually supportive linguistic streams constituting a speech system known as vac.
  9. Allegation of built-in social abusiveness: According to a growing number of Western Indologists, Sanskrit and sanskriti have always abused and oppressed the women, Dalits and Muslims of India. This is emphasized as a structural defect as opposed to being a matter of isolated instances. It is alleged that Sanskrit grammar, Vedic texts and the shastras are the root causes; they are said to be laden with rules that preclude intellectual freedom. This is a viewpoint traditionalists might want to vigorously contest, and we must hear both sides.
  10. Allegations of lack of creativity: It is further purported that shastras prevent genuine creativity and progress in vyavaharika (worldly) matters, because they are straitjacketed by the Vedic world view. However, there is an abundance of counter-evidence showing that Indians have been innovative in producing and applying shastras to both empirical and spiritual domains. Shastras, therefore, cannot be dismissed as lacking in practical innovations and creativity.
  11. Allegation of Sanskrit’s ‘death’: I have argued against the academicians who say that Sanskrit has been dead for a thousand years. I cite traditional scholars such as Krishna Shastry and K.S. Kannan who wish to debate this issue.
  12. Secularization of Sanskrit and sanskriti: Sheldon Pollock’s camp is committed to the secularization of Sanskrit because it regards spiritual practices such as yajnas, rituals, pujas, tirthas (pilgrimages), vratas (vows, promises) and various other sadhanas to be primitive, superstitious and exploitative. One of their principal agendas is to remove aspects that are linked to the paramarthika (spiritual) realm and only focus on those in the purely laukika or vyavaharika (mundane) realm. Traditionalists consider this a serious violation to the integrity of our tradition. I firmly resist this reductionist secularization.
  13. Allegation of kavya as political weapon: The American Orientalist camp maintains that kavya (literature) was developed specifically for the kings to be able to assert their power over their subjects. In other words, it is seen as an ancient form of a ruler’s propaganda machinery. Such a reductionist view must be contested. Kavya cannot be collapsed into mere politics; it has served many positive functions for the general population both in the secular and sacred domains.
  14. Ramayana: Is the Ramayana meant to portray an exploitative dominion by the kings, i.e., is raj dharma an abusive system of governance? My opponents see the Ramayana not in terms of a genuine spiritual quest but as a political device. They consider it a weapon that has been used to cause violence against the Muslims even to this day. However, bhaktas (devotees) maintain otherwise. They see Rama as a role model for all rulers.
    D. Reclaiming and repositioning Sanskrit and sanskriti
  15. One-way flow of knowledge from Indian texts into English: For centuries, Indian-language texts have been translated into English while a flow in the reverse direction has remained virtually non-existent. As a result, only English has become the language of research and communication for knowledge in most fields. Sanskrit must find its legitimate place alongside English as a repository of knowledge with its own way of thinking. Here we can learn from China’s strategies concerning Mandarin.
  16. Other ancient languages comparable to Sanskrit: Western scholars routinely categorize Sanskrit with Latin which they deem to be a ‘dead’ language, and/or with Greek which they hold as a classical language. Modern Indian scholars blindly accept such a classification of Sanskrit as a dead or classical language. This is not acceptable to traditionalists because Sanskrit and sanskriti did not evolve through outright rejection of the past but as a continuity with the past. Therefore, we need to make efforts to decouple Sanskrit studies from Latin/Greek studies and to classify it alongside Mandarin and Persian which are living and continuous with their respective pasts. We should bring in discussants from Asian countries where languages such as Mandarin, Persian, Arabic, Hebrew and Japanese are given prominence, and recognized as both old and modern.
  17. Scope of Sanskrit studies: Besides studying the Sanskrit language and its old texts, it is necessary to introduce and employ Sanskrit categories and methods for research in modern domains such as computational linguistics, ecology, animal rights, the aging population and family structures, neurosciences and mind sciences, education and accelerated learning, mathematics and other theoretical sciences and health sciences, just to name a few. We must dismantle the present system of intellectual apartheid in which Sanskrit is kept isolated from the knowledge disciplines where its treasures are being appropriated and reformulated into Western paradigms, and given new histories as so-called Western ‘discoveries’.
  18. Exposing Hinduphobia: If a scholar were to refute the very existence of Allah, or claim that the Quran does not represent the actual word of God, or that Muhammad was not a prophet, it would be called Islamophobia. This allegation would apply even if the scholar in question were saying ‘positive’ things like: Arabic has a rich treasury of poetry, the Quran holds a light for humanity, etc. None of that would satisfy the Muslim mind. An analogous situation exists in the way an attitude gets classified as anti-Semitic. Hindus should be alarmed by the existence of a double standard in Western academics, because the same sensitivity and adhikara to speak for our tradition is not granted to Hindus. This is why Sheldon Pollock was shocked when I characterized several of his stances as inimical to Hindu dharma (i.e., Hinduphobic). We need to define a level playing field for characterizing a work as Islamophobia, anti-Semitism, Hinduphobia, etc.
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Insiders versus Outsiders: Who speaks for our heritage?

My new book, The Battle for Sanskrit, offers a critique of a category of western Indologists whose work is based on the writings of Sheldon Pollock. I respect Pollock as a hard working scholar, but I am troubled by his approach to the Sanskrit tradition because it undermines some core ideas that most practicing Hindus greatly value. In this blog, I want to touch briefly on some of the substantive points where I disagree with Pollock’s work. I refer the reader to my book for evidence of his positions and my arguments against them.

My book frames these issues in terms of two opposing lenses: the lens of insiders, who are those with loyalty to the Vedic worldview, and lens of outsiders, who are those who dismiss (or at least marginalize) the Vedas and look at the Sanskrit texts primarily through Marxist and postmodernist theories of social oppression and political domination.

Adopting the insider perspective, my main objections to Pollock and other outsiders concern the following methods and views:

  • The methodological separation between the secular and the sacred in studying Sanskrit tradition;
  • The claim that racial and ethnic oppression, class discrimination and gender bias are intrinsic to Sanskrit and its conceptual matrix in the Vedas;
  • The side-lining of the oral tradition as a dynamic part of Indian history and thought;
  • The politicizing of the genre of kavya;
  • The outright dismissal of the positive value of shastra;
  • The insistence on a dramatic split between Sanskrit and the vernaculars;
  • The determination to show maximum split between Hinduism and Buddhism;
  • The distortion of the Ramayana as socially abusive and as harbouring anti-Muslim rabblerousing.

Pollock’s fundamental assumption and the governing methodology of his work involves making a sharp separation between the realm of the sacred, or paramarthika, from the realm of the mundane, or vyavaharika. He sees the transcendental basis of the Vedic tradition primarily as a form of irrational mystification, encoding it its very core hierarchical and anti-egalitarian views and proscription. As a consequence, he sees advances in Indian history as having come about by moving away from this base. Pollock refers to the ‘long prehistory of Sanskrit’ as a period of ‘sacerdotal isolation’, in which he says the Vedic rishis existed in a state divorced from a logical understanding of the empirical world.

This view is indicated in the title of his magnum opus, The Language of the Gods and the World of Men; Sanskrit, Culture and Power in Premodern India (2006), a book that should be required reading for anyone wishing to engage with Pollock at a serious level. For Pollock, the defining historical event is what he sees as Sanskrit moving out from the grip of brahmin elitism, which he feels consisted of meaningless rituals and otherworldly fixations, into the world of politics under royal patronage. Once it gets turned into a political device for kings, Sanskrit becomes stultified and regressive because the royalties become decadent due to internal corruption and social injustice.

Pollock simply sets aside the paramarthika dimension of life because he finds it not susceptible to modern, scientific methods of study.  He does not claim to have practiced any Vedic related forms of sadhana, and his work is not based on a Vedic perspective. He calls himself a secular scholar, and thus an outsider to the tradition. The result of this is to make the transcendental perspective subservient in the study of Sanskrit and its texts.

Note that an insider point of view on the history of Sanskrit and on its future is in effect excluded from the very start by Pollock’s method of separating the sacred from the secular. This approach enjoys a growing acceptance in the academy, and this has turned Sanskrit studies into largely a campaign to attack it on issues of social justice in India.

Moreover, he is explicit about the political consequences he wishes to be drawn from his work: that the only way forward for social justice in India lies in relegating Sanskrit firmly to the past (as a ‘dead’ language), where it can be scrutinized for harboring regressive thoughts. This point takes us to my second objection: Pollock’s view that Sanskrit encoded toxic/oppressive views of women, minorities and others from the start, and that its revival today is in service of reactionary and communalist forces.  He writes:

Sanskrit was the principal discursive instrument of domination in premodern India and in addition, it has been continuously reappropriated in modern India by many of the most reactionary and communalist sectors of the population (cited in The Battle for Sanskrit, 140).

This oppressive deployment of Sanskrit continues today, he says:

Traditional domination as coded in Sanskrit is not ‘past history’ in India, to be sure. Partly by reason of the stored energy of an insufficiently critiqued and thus untranscended past, it survives in various harsh forms (intensified by the added toxins of capitalist exploitation by twiceborn classes) despite legislation designed to weaken the economic and institutional framework associated with it (cited in The Battle for Sanskrit 141).

Scholars have ignored all this, he laments. So the goal of Indology today, he says, ought to be to ‘exhume, isolate, analyze, theorize, and at the very least talk about the different modalities of domination in traditional India’. His analysis is based on an interpretation of the social restrictions on the use of Sanskrit in the early tradition. Access to Sanskrit, he points out, was reserved for ‘particular orders of society’. In his view, Sanskrit only became de-monopolized by the intervention of Buddhists, though even then it remained an instrument of political power. Kings used it to stabilize the culture and create a ‘culture-power formation.’ They decided who could study it and for what purpose. He elaborates on this point as follows:

[Sanskrit] was a code of communication not everyone was entitled to use, and fewer still were able to use. It is not just that some people did and some did not employ Sanskrit, but rather that some were permitted to do so and some – the majority, who otherwise might have been able to do so – were prohibited (cited in The Battle for Sanskrit, 140).

Once again, Pollock locates the original source of these oppressive restrictions in a Vedic worldview, one he calls ‘Aryan’. He writes:

Given the nature of the primary sphere for the application of Sanskrit, it is not surprising that this constraint was formulated as a restriction on participation in the rituals and liturgical practices of the Sanskrit speech community, whose members called themselves Āryas (cited in Battle for Sanskrit, 142).

His methodological and ideological program emerges from and reinforces his dislike of Vedic discourse and his investment in Western methods in philology. This stance leads him to sideline the oral tradition in history. The chanting of mantras, the preservation of rituals, and the memorization of large, complex texts represent for him the deadening yoke of the past on an emerging social and political consciousness.

Secondly, his position leads him to see Buddhism as a kind of radical intervention and upgrade in the Vedic tradition, breaking the stranglehold of the brahmin monopoly and creating new forms of cultural production such as kavya. In his eyes, the real intellectual payoff in the study of the language lies in re-interpreting such genres as kavya, and even the great early treatises on Sanskrit grammar, for the light they can shed on a growing public sphere designed firstly to bolster and extend the prestige and power of the royal courts and secondly for their continued encoding of oppressive social views on women, minorities and outsiders. In the service of this view, Pollock sees Sanskrit itself as a language of the cosmopolitan elite, different in origin from the vernaculars and in tension with them.

He also sees the great epics of India, such as the Ramayana and the Mahabharata, as justifying the violent suppression of the ‘other’ in Indian politics.

Pollock’s western lens also leads him to a view of shastra that would astonish those who value the huge body of knowledge they represent both intrinsically and for its potential to generate new thought. For him, the constant reference in shastras to Vedic norms and cosmologies and to spiritual wisdom virtually guarantees that they cannot really produce innovation.  They are locked in outmoded and ‘pre-modern’ frameworks from which they cannot break out into the kind of free thought that the west itself only achieved in the enlightenment. Of the famous Sanskrit shastras that deal with linguistic issues, he writes:

Classical Indian civilization, however, offers what may be the most exquisite expression of the centrality of rule-governance in human behavior. Under the influence perhaps of the paradigm deriving from the strict regulation of ritual action in vedic ceremonies, the procedures for which are set forth in those rule-books par excellence, the Brāhmanas, secular life as a whole was subject to a kind of ritualization, whereby all its performative gestures and signifying practices came to be encoded in texts. Śāstra, the Sanskrit word for these grammars, thus presents itself as one of the fundamental features and problems of Indian civilization in general and of Indian intellectual history in particular.

It is easy to miss the real import of statements like this, which are often couched at first in terms that are complimentary to the tradition, like ‘exquisite’.  Later, however, these exquisite texts become the problem: the source of all is backward, premodern, uncritical, unscientific and stultifying in Indian thought.

Here Pollock is clearly exporting onto India the western secular grand narrative of history according to which the medieval church and the Christian faith on which it was based were deadening forces from which people had to break free through the scientific revolution in thought. It follows that Pollock would naturally be deeply opposed to current efforts to revive spoken Sanskrit. For him this revival is no more than saffronization at work; it can only be seen as a tool of the kind of repression and mystified thinking he finds holding Indians back in their long history.

This then is, in brief, a scan of the positions Pollock takes to which I most object, and which I have discussed and refuted in detail in The Battle for Sanskrit.

I want to say in conclusion, however, that Pollock’s positions on these matters are not to be dismissed easily or taken lightly. He is not only extremely learned in Sanskrit, but insightful on its past and its great works at many points. Those who wish to defend the tradition against his reading of it must meet high standards of scholarship, reasoned argument and commitment to a progressive future for India. They need not, however, adopt a western lens or use the tools of western secular theory to do so, nor need they accept the terms proposed by western academic institutions. They have resources closer to home for these purposes, and they are much more likely to be effective because they can speak with the authority of those for whom the Vedic tradition is not only a life commitment but a rich treasury of knowledge of both paramarthika and vyavaharika realms.

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Why Sheldon Pollock is a very important Indologist to engage – By Rajiv Malhotra

Those who are reading or about to read my new book, The Battle for Sanskrit, will be aware that I focus much of my attention on the prominent American Indologist Sheldon Pollock, who is the most high-profile and influential exponent of what I have called American Orientalism. I wish to explain why I have chosen him as my primary interlocutor and what my interactions with him have been.  I wish to make as clear as possible the reasons for my engagement with him, and the experiences I have had in personal conversations with him and in reading his work.

I focus on Pollock (as opposed to taking a broad but superficial review of the work of multiple scholars) for the following reasons:

  • To set a debate in motion against a powerful school of thought, one must dissect and respond to its very best minds and works, and not engage its weakest or most vulnerable scholars. This has also been the traditional Indian approach to debate since ancient times. Pollock deserves to be considered the foremost contemporary exponent of American Orientalism, as I will explain below.
  • By naming Pollock as the leader, I invite him, his students and his collaborators to have open-minded conversations and debates with the goal of achieving a better mutual understanding. In effect, this book starts a sort of debate with the American Orientalist camp on their approach to Sanskrit and India studies.
  • My focused approach allows me to drill deep into the American Orientalist writings and offer my perspective. I can be concrete instead of making abstract generalizations.
  • Pollock’s writings inform a whole generation of scholars as well as mainstream media personalities, and he has achieved unprecedented influence in comparison to any other Western Indologist today.
  • He has ‘gone native’ to a large extent and become assimilated in several Indian institutions, which dramatically increases his influence and power. Hence, we can speak of the Pollockization of Sanskrit studies.

 This approach of debating the opposing side’s leader is consistent with my previous books. In each of them, I have addressed one big issue, an issue that was not in my view being addressed adequately by the adherents of the dharmic traditions; hence I tried to engage with its major exponents.

The entire enterprise of engagement and debate has been governed by my understanding of the Sanskrit tradition of purva-paksha. This practice makes huge demands on those who adopt it, demands that the opposing side must be seriously studied and directly engaged, and that differences not be suppressed but fully and publicly aired and explored.

I have also been driven by a strong and growing conviction that traditional Hindu experts who are personally invested in Sanskrit culture and spiritual wisdom have until now failed to rise to the challenge of this engagement, for reasons I have explained in my writings.

Pollock is a worthy opponent, an Indologist and scholar of Sanskrit whose knowledge of the subject matter is unquestionably expert and dedicated. In choosing him as a focal point for my latest book, I have taken on the strongest possible representative and advocate for positions that I want to contest with mutual respect. Indeed, let me say at the outset that in order even to begin to meet the challenges of his work I have had both to immerse myself in his considerable body of scholarship and to pursue many of the sources on which he draws. I have had to read a vast body of secondary work by insiders and outsiders to the tradition alike in order to form my views. In the course of doing so, I have learned a great deal and gained a great measure of respect for him. I believe him to be a sincere lover of the subject he studies and I think his intentions are good, even when he may be blind to the bias caused by his own ideologies. My issue is that he sees the tradition too much through a reductionist western lens.

Pollock espouses views, takes positions and proffers analyses that should raise red flags for those who value the Vedic heritage of India and wish to see it flower as a resource for the future.  Among other things, he is no friend of the Hindu religion – or of any religion, as far as I can see – and he routinely dismisses or discounts the kind of transcendental perspective that is precisely where its strength lies. Furthermore, he is overtly political in his allegiances and feels no compunction in taking positions and fostering interventions in the Indian context that are in line with his leftist and secular commitments, while at the same time taking funding from major capitalist elites. There is nothing wrong with this per se, and he is certainly entitled to his opinions, but he is often not transparent about the coloring of his lens by these ideological allegiances and sources of support. He seems blind to the way his politics affects his entire reading of the tradition, and does so, I believe, often in distorted and misleading ways.

I’d like my readers first fully to appreciate Pollock’s achievements and the importance of his role in Indology, so that they will better understand what I am trying to do and what I am up against in doing it. Let me now introduce Professor Pollock and his work for those who have not read him in detail.

Sheldon Pollock studied Latin and Greek classics at Harvard and this grounding has influenced his subsequent approach to philology in general Sanskrit in particular. After moving on to acquire his Ph.D in Sanskrit studies from Harvard under the famous Indologist, Daniel Ingalls, he spent the next few decades working diligently on a variety of Sanskrit texts. The resulting publications cover a vast canvas of topics in Sanskrit studies, one that has been rarely matched by Western scholars and even by many in India.

His first major study was on the Ramayana in the 1980s. In it, he consciously differentiated himself from fellow Western Indologists. He criticized scholars who romanticized the Sanskrit tradition, and argued for the use of a method he called ‘political philology’ to interpret Sanskrit texts. His approach was radically different from those of Ingalls and the major German Indologists in that he did not share their goal of representing the insider’s perspective on Sanskrit. In further work, he continued this trajectory, developing his critique of Sanskrit culture and tradition as encoding elitist values and oppressive constructs of women, dalits and Muslims. His career culminated in his magnum opus, The Language of the Gods in the World of Men: Sanskrit, Culture, and Power in Premodern India, a major work which needs to be read closely and in detail by anyone who wishes to engage with his positions.

Pollock has been widely recognized for his achievements both in the academy and beyond, in India as well as the US. Here are some of his accomplishments:

  • He is a fellow of the prestigious American Academy of Arts and Sciences and is currently a chaired professor at Columbia University in Middle Eastern, South Asian and African Studies.
  • The Language of the Gods in the World of Men: Sanskrit, Culture, and Power in Premodern India (2006) won the Coomaraswamy Prize from the Association of Asian Studies, as well as the Lionel Trilling Award.
  • He has been awarded a Distinguished Achievement Award by the Mellon Foundation.
  • At a 2008 conference entitled ‘Language, Culture and Power’ organized in his honour by his students, some of the most respected Indologists participated to pay him tribute.
  • He was General Editor of the Clay Sanskrit Library, for which he also edited and translated a number of volumes.
  • He has been joint editor of South Asia Across the Disciplines, a collaborative venture of the University of California Press, the University of Chicago Press and the Columbia University Press.
  • He is currently the principal investigator of ‘SARIT: Enriching Digital Collections in Indology’, supported by the National Endowment for the Humanities/Deutsche Forschungsgemeinschaft Bilateral Digital Humanities Program.
  • One of his initiatives was the Ambedkar Sanskrit Fellowship Program at Columbia, which aims to establish an endowment to fund graduate studies in Sanskrit for dalit students.
  • He directs the project ‘Sanskrit Knowledge Systems on the Eve of Colonialism’, in which scholars examine the state of knowledge that was produced in Sanskrit before colonialism.
  • He is also editing a series of ‘Historical Sourcebooks in Classical Indian Thought’ while working on another book, titled Liberation Philology, for Harvard University Press.

 These awards and recognitions have sealed his status in the eyes of most Indian intelligentsia as one of the few remaining scholars with the authority to interpret and speak about Sanskrit texts. Some examples of this recognition are listed below:

  • The President of India awarded him the Certificate of Honour for Sanskrit, and subsequently the Padma Shri for his distinguished service in the field of letters.
  • He has been featured as one of the star figures at the Jaipur Literary Festival over the past seven years, and is routinely invited to high-profile conclaves and seminars in India to help interpret India’s traditions for the Indian elite.
  • He is interviewed by Tehelka news magazine and India’s NDTV network, and has received India Abroad’s Person of the Year award.
  • He was the keynote speaker at the golden jubilee celebrations of the Centre for the Study of Developing Societies in Delhi.
  • He serves as a juror on the committee that awards the Infosys Prize for Humanities and Social Sciences. One of the most prestigious feathers in his cap is his position as General Editor of the Murty Classical Library of India (Harvard University Press). I will examine this position in detail in a later chapter.

 Pollock has many constituents and appeals to many disparate groups of people.

  • The Indian left sees him as a priceless ally in exposing Hindu chauvinism by providing evidence of oppressiveness encoded within the Sanskrit tradition. For them, he is a worthy successor of D.D. Kosambi (the late Marxist scholar of Sanskrit) and far better equipped with updated Western social theories. They lionize him as a creator of new Marxist lineages even though, ironically, he is well-funded from capitalist pockets.
  • Western academics see him as a unique scholar of intellectual history, his credentials bolstered by access to Sanskrit that few of his peers possess. He is also a novel exponent in the application of Western social theories to Sanskrit-based cultures.
  • Wealthy Indians see association with Pollock as opening doors for them to serve on boards of major institutions, giving them the proud sense of finally having arrived into the same league as the Rothschilds and the Rockefellers. Some of his benefactors might seek more mundane rewards, such as high-level networking.
  • Indian Sanskrit scholars believe that Pollock’s elevated profile brings prestige to their field of study, which has otherwise been largely neglected by modern, sophisticated people. They perceive him as doing them a favour by serving as their ambassador; some hope that by professing loyalty to him, they might be lucky enough to secure foreign trips and funding for themselves.
  • Traditional Hindu organizations are, in some cases, in awe of him, because his international affiliations give them a chance to bask in his reflected glory. By virtue of his presence, their tradition at least nominally secures a seat amongst the global elite. A good example of this phenomenon has been the desire of some administrators at Sringeri Sharada Peetham, established by Adi Shankara, to anoint him as a sort of ambassador for their legacy.
  • The Indian government, media and public intellectuals tap superficially into his work as a source of one-liner wisdom – at least until recently. Pollock seems to provide an easy bandwagon, as it were, onto which they can jump without having to know much in the way of depth.
  • Naïve Hindus feel proud that their heritage is being championed by an American from a prestigious university, and celebrate him for bringing their tradition into the limelight.

 Pollock has offered a challenging critique of the tradition that deserves and needs close attention and engagement from the Indian traditional side. That engagement and critique have not so far been done. Though there are a few refutations of specific arguments in his work by western scholars, most of the general treatment of him is hagiographic, and the degree to which he has been lauded in India is based on superficial reading and media hype.

Sheldon Pollock is important for me to engage not only because of his giant reputation, but also because he represents the school of thought I have called the new American Orientalism. Not only does he rely on western literary and culture theory in his approach, he represents an assertively leftist and anti-spiritual approach to the subject. In this respect, he appears to be driven by a set of assumptions and historical experiences shaped by the trauma and guilt of native American genocide and slavery as well as by European philology.

Free from the obvious burdens of British colonialism, he engages in a subtler form of Orientalist imposition, the kind of imposition I have analyzed in my book Breaking India. This involves a tendentious reading of the Indian past and of its present problems that is fixated on caste, class, race and gender oppression and regards our cultural achievements as tainted by this legacy. I do not deny that these problems exist, and that they have ancient roots, as they do in the past of most global cultures today. But to read our entire tradition in these terms and to treat every attempt to revive and re-invigorate it as a form of nationalism or saffronization does no service either to our heritage or to our future.

My book looks at some key points of tension in Indology. It frames the issues by looking through the lenses of two opposing camps: the ‘insiders’ who subscribe to a Vedic worldview and the ‘outsiders’ who dismiss the spirituality of the Vedas. The byline of the book’s title captures three broad areas of contention that are discussed in its chapters:

Is Sanskrit political or sacred?
Oppressive or liberating?
Dead or alive?

In each pair of opposites, the first position mentioned is that of the outsiders, and the second position is that of the insiders. Thus, outsiders find Sanskrit and sanskriti to be political, oppressive and dead. The insiders would disagree and find our Sanskrit-based sanskriti to be sacred, liberating and alive.

Pollock’s critique is serious, informed, and motivated by strong commitments; but it is also myopic and captive to a single, reductionist political ideology. He deserves both respect for his positions and a reasoned response that is neither ignorant nor bombastic. Such a critique must acknowledge whatever in his work has validity, but also defend our tradition, its roots in a transcendental perspective and its capacity for growth and change. Such a response has been singularly lacking from the traditional side.

It is important to clarify that only a small portion of today’s Indologists are American Orientalists. It would be incorrect to project my critique of Orientalists onto the whole community of academic scholars of the social sciences and humanities, many of whom have gone to great lengths to shed the mentality I am criticizing here, and to understand and express an insider perspective, whether from the point of view of their own commitments and practices or as a matter of principle. However, the influence of Pollock’s group is significant in academics, media, education and public opinion. Hence, his works must be discussed in detail.

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Khobragade row: India must try good-cop, bad-cop approach with the US

The latest scandal of the US suddenly arresting an Indian diplomat and humiliating her should cause the Indian government to learn how China and other countries operate from a position of strength. It is unfortunate that the Indian authorities seem to focus only on the technicalities of her arrest as if the main problem was merely procedural.

It is horrific enough that she was arrested outside her daughter’s school in order to maximise the sensationalism, then subjected to sexual cavity exams (though this has been denied by the US Marshal Service), and placed in a cell with criminals, prostitutes and drug dealers. The bail, set at $250,000, is at a level typical for hardcore criminals.

Clearly, Preet Bharara, the US top prosecutor in charge, lived up to his reputation for wanting to make a political career by hitting at high profile targets (including an abnormally large number of Indians). I anticipate another Bobby Jindal in the making here.

It should also shock Indians that New York Times, CNN and other supposedly “liberal” US media have constantly brought in guests and experts to parrot only one side of this story over and over again. The framing of the story is of human rights abuse by elitist Indians; and these Indians must be taught to be treated just like everyone else in the US – because, after all, “we Americans” are the world’s beacon of egalitarianism, are we not? This plays well as what is known as “atrocities literature” of the “frontier” people – explained in my book, titled, “Breaking India”.

The blatant racism that usually remains well hidden has been forced to come out not only in print and TV media, but also on the internet buzzing with this controversy. Many white Americans cannot help rubbing their hands in glee at Bharara’s action. They cite irrelevant points like how Indians are robbing them of jobs, how Indian civilisation is inferior to the West, how India ought to be indebted to the US as its big brother and benefactor, and so on.

The anti-Hindu stereotypes that I have been trying to expose for 20 years, and which many Indians want to deny or claim are no longer applicable in this “flat world”, have all of a sudden shown their ugly head. Let this be an opportunity for Indians to learn.

Regarding the allegations against the Indian diplomat, one must note that such abuses are very common among diplomats everywhere — as much in New York as in Delhi and elsewhere. Of course, this does not justify any such abuse. But it points to the arbitrary and draconian action taken in this one case as if to make a public statement. Every law can be applied in a wide range of levels of severity, from extremely harsh for one’s worst enemies, to very mild application for friendly situations.

This particular application of the US law, even if one assumes all the charges to be valid, which I am unwilling to assume, is at the harshest level one has seen it ever used in similar cases. By contrast, India has applied its policies towards US diplomats in India at the most friendly end of the spectrum – and certainly well above the level of privileges enjoyed by Indian diplomats in the US. It is vital for India to firmly downgrade US diplomats’ privileges to the same level that Indian diplomats enjoy in the US.

Furthermore, it is worth noting that Indian households do not treat maids like “employees” in the American sense where rent, food, entertainment, holidays, gifts, cable TV, etc would each have to be paid by the employee. A decent one-bedroom apartment in Manhattan easily costs $2,000 – $4,000 per month plus utilities, and food is not cheap in Manhattan. Indian domestic servants are given these things free whereas American employers operate more formally at arm’s length. Even after factoring all this, I assume the compensation was less than officially claimed. But such labour disputes typically get sorted out as civil cases. The plot here runs much deeper.

The maid, an Indian Christian whose relatives had close connections to the US embassy in Delhi, was being secretly nurtured by the US government for some time, and her family given a special visa and moved quietly to the US a few days before the arrest. All this is far too much importance to be given to a maid in US society if this were an ordinary case. If Bharara really wanted to help poor Indians, this approach has hardly made any such impact.

The question to raise is whether the maid was an intelligence asset either from the very beginning, or turned into one after the Indian government tried to take action against her through US authorities. Through access to her employer’s laptop at home, and by other means of surveillance, her profile would certainly fit the pattern of NSA and CIA operations. The overly aggressive protection by the US and the help given secretly to send her family to USA make this question very important – and the Indian external affairs ministry’s talk of conspiracy suggests that they know something we don’t.

Contrast this drama with the fact that Bharara has not subjected any other minority community women to such insulting treatment. This is largely due to the heavy Muslim lobbying in the US to respect Islamic sensitivities in dealing with their community, especially women. Indians have never pressed for cultural sensitivities because of their pride of being “assimilative” and hence, the “same” (ie potentially white). Cultural difference embarrasses many Indians except in the safety of events with other Indians only. Especially when it comes to projecting a Hindu identity in such matters, the Indian is likely to hide his inferiority complexes behind “secular” masks.

There is a much broader pattern in India’s servility than just one isolated event. India failed to take strong action against the US when it was denied access to David Headley, an acknowledged mastermind in the Mumbai terrorist attack by Pakistan. It pleaded like a child and settled for the crumbs offered by Uncle Sam. When Wikileaks exposed widespread US espionage against India, once again India felt awkward and scared to have a direct faceoff with the Americans.

By contrast, Brazil, Germany and others took the matter seriously and let the Americans experience their anger. When Pakistan wants to express its disapproval to the US, it abruptly stops Nato supply lines to Afghanistan, and ultimately it always ends up in the driver’s seat. China’s audacity in putting the US in its place started decades before China’s economic and military rise, and hence China commands and deserves American respect.

India has behaved like an American doormat and pleaded for merciful treatment as a reliable satellite and junior partner of the US.

The core problem is that Indians simply do not understand the psyche of Americans in the same manner as Chinese, Pakistanis, Russians and many others do. Indians in positions of importance – in diplomacy, media, industry, spirituality, etc – tend to suffer what I have called “difference anxiety” from the West. They would rather not claim their own distinct selfhood. Indians have failed to gaze back at the West through their own lens and for their own vested interests in the same way as most other major nations and civilizations do.

The challenge is that the politically correct, pseudo-secular posture has made it impossible to articulate any such thing as an “Indian civilisation” in the first place. All such claims at a unified, coherent Indian civilisation get attacked as chauvinistic and anti-minority (because the exclusivist Abrahamic religions of many minorities cannot respect Indian civilisation’s tenets).

My forthcoming book, titled, Indra’s Net: Defending Hinduism’s Philosophical Unity (Harpercollins, 2014), scheduled to be launched in India in January, 2014, deals explicitly with this issue of “who we are” as Indians. Though the British left decades back, the colonised minds of Indians in important posts has merely shifted to the nexus across the Atlantic – from London to Washington, DC.

Given the overwhelming defeat of India’s ruling party in the recent elections and its likely debacle in the forthcoming general elections, this is an important window to demand strong action in dealing with this situation. India must appoint a Good Cop team and a separate Bad Cop team to deal with the US. These are terms every American with a basic knowledge of history is taught, and I explained them in a book, “Invading the Sacred”.

The Bad Cop team could comprise RAW, CBI and a tough Indian prosecutor to investigate and arrest US diplomats who violate or take liberties with Indian laws, and to apply the same harshness that was faced by India in this case. The Prime Minister or someone else can play Good Cop, but never interfering with the Bad Cops who are merely performing their “jobs” under Indian laws. Meanwhile, it would be important to limit this fight to the US government and not let it impact relations between businessmen in both countries. Indians must know that many US businesses also have their own serious problems with their government and would gladly side with India as allies.

American media, however, is aligned with their government stand in this case. Indian think- tanks have their work cut out if they want to start seriously studying the US complexities on Indian terms.

Published : Dec. 20, 2013

 

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Academic Hinduphobia, All Articles, Articles by Rajiv

Academic Hinduphobia

The sixth-grade classroom in America has become the battle ground for geo-politically charged fights where the anti-Hindu biases of the academicians are ruling the roost. Is the sixth-grade classroom the right place to prosecute an American minority culture or a foreign nation? The recent California Department of Education’s hearings on sixth-grade textbook portrayals of religions and cultures have triggered conflicts between the Hindu Diaspora and a group of academicians claiming to be “the experts” on Hinduism. Every religion has good sides and bad sides, its “enemies” and its “victims”. However, eleven-year old are too young and naive, and most of their teachers are too ignorant, to be subject to incoherent scholarly controversies on foreign politics. Most sixth graders are unlikely to study these religions ever again in their lives. Hence, the impressions created by these textbooks will have a lasting effect in shaping the future of American society. The table below compares how California textbooks treat Hinduism and other major religions.

I: Islam J: Judaism C: Christianity H: Hinduism

For example, take the current ‘cartoon controversy’. The Danish media claims to be exercising its “intellectual freedom,” but their cartoons, it could justifiably be argued, have hurt the sentiments of Muslims worldwide. The sentiments and actual hurt have been hijacked by cynical local and global politics and this has played into the hands of Islamic radicals: violent world-wide protests are on, embassies have been burnt and death threats given. All this has further exacerbated what many call the “clash of civilizations ” between Islam and the West. This is not the first time it has happened either. But do the discussions on Islam, in these sixth grade text-books, for example, talk about such violent deeds committed in the name of Islam? No, and that is the way it should be.

Likewise, when Hindus’ sentiments are routinely hurt in far worse ways, especially as a part of America’s formal education system, it naturally adds fuel to religious politics. Since liberal intellectuals – rightfully – respect Muslim sentiments and do not demand “scientific proof” for Islamic beliefs, does it not follow that they should apply the same approach towards Hinduism? This article merely argues for equal treatment of Hinduism, no more and no less, and shows that this is presently lacking due to a double standard. Intellectual honesty demands that we ask whether one religion’s aggression against “idols” devastates another religion’s respect for its murtis. Does canonized condemnation of “infidels” and “false religions” not then qualify as hate speech? Surely it is reasonable to demand that the same standards be applied to all religions when discussing textual references that are against women, persons of lower socioeconomic strata, non-believers of the given faith, and other faiths’ symbols and practices as well? Either such textual references should be included for all religions or none. Why should Hinduism be singled out? Selective condemnations of religion X while appeasing religion Y is a dangerous political game. One must courageously confront the fashionable academic bandwagons and expose their facile politics It is also essential for all religions to be presented on an equal footing using the same pedagogy and standards. Therefore, someone has to choose the information that is to be taught to sixth-graders, and there must be transparent rules on how this is to be achieved. California’s official educational standards contain specific policies on this, which assert,

“No religious belief or practice may be held up to ridicule and no religious group may be portrayed as inferior,”

and that,

“Textbooks should instill a sense of pride in every child in his or her heritage.”

As the above table demonstrates, the textbooks do not comply with the California standards in the case of Hinduism. For instance, the textbooks say that Hinduism considers women to be inferior to men, but ignore biases against women in Islam, Christianity and Judaism. The textbooks focus on “Hindu atrocities” against certain groups, but do not point out that Islamic, Christian and Jewish societies have similar issues. The clergy in Islam, Christianity and Judaism are treated as credible experts and their religious texts are assumed to be stating historical facts, while Hindu texts are depicted through the pejorative lenses of critics and called “myths.” The California Board of Education conducts a public review of its textbooks every six years with a goal to remove unfair and biased representations. Islamic, Christian, and Jewish groups have been successfully involved in this review process for many years, constantly removing any negative portrayals of their respective religions. Surprisingly, the recent involvement of Hindu American groups to participate in the public hearings with the educational authorities is being fiercely condemned by academicians who gracefully accept the changes proposed by other religious groups. American academicians who are known for their Hinduphobia have launched a vicious attack. They rallied instant support from many Indian academicians to do the dirty work, in a manner similar to the way in which British colonizers used Indian sepoys to shoot at their fellow Indians. Interestingly, most of the academicians who joined are not experts in the academic field of religion, and are not even members of the Hinduism Unit of the American Academy of Religion, which is the official academic body of Hinduism Studies. The attack has relied upon maligning Hindu groups and branding them as “fascists”, “extremists”, “fundamentalists”,  “chauvinists” etc. The attackers allege links between overseas violence and Hindu Americans, and use sensationalized warnings that accepting the Hindus on par with the Islamic and Christian groups would encourage international terrorism. In an educational review the subject of discussion should be the content of the textbooks, California’s published educational standards, and the effects of religious representation on America’s next generation. But in this case, an American religious minority is being labeled as a threat to international security just because it wants an equitable depiction of its religion. The scholars involved have failed both as defenders of intellectual freedom and as practitioners of independent critical inquiry. Furthermore, the California authorities, in a move which is now being challenged legally, heard a parade of anti-Hindu voices as “expert witness,” while there were no similar dissenting voices invited to criticize Islam, Christianity or Judaism. The academicians fighting the Hindu Diaspora frantically arranged to fly in witnesses from far away places to testify about the horrors of Hinduism, while no similar witnesses were summoned to testify against the horrors of Islam, Christianity or Judaism.- such as, for example, Kashmiri Pandits, Hindus raped in Pakistan, Muslim women complaining against forced burqas, or the innocent children who have been victims of pedophile Christian priests. Only in the case of Hinduism was the politics from the mother country dragged into the California proceedings What they overlooked is that Hinduism is a world religion with followers in many parts of the planet besides India. India’s social-political problems do not reflect on the second-generation Indian Americans, the millions of Euro-Americans practicing yoga/meditation who claim Hindu or quasi-Hindu identities, or on millions of overseas Hindus living elsewhere. The scholars failed to decouple Hinduism from Indian politics, while no other religion got coupled to geopolitics.

I: Islam J: Judaism C: Christianity H: Hinduism

The academicians should first confront the mandate of California’s Social Studies Standards which requires that, “Textbooks should instill a sense of pride in every child in his or her heritage”.  In this regard, textbooks should also include Hinduism’s major contributions to America: yoga, vegetarianism, the transcendentalist literary movement in the 19th century, and the many positive influences on American pop music, cuisine, film, dance, etc. While attempts are being made to teach about “Hindu horrors” against minorities, the same academicians are not lobbying to add textbook sections on “Islamic genocides” in South Asia, “Islamic terrorism” worldwide, or “Christian holocausts” of Native Americans: The non-Hindu religions are coddled with political correctness and “sensitivity.” In order to be true to their field of study, academicians should apply the same “human rights” criteria to all religions equally. The academicians are approaching Indian society as a patient waiting to be cured of maladies in the hands of America. But they have not addressed the following issues: Does America have a superior human rights record? Are American institutions accountable as doctors and qualified to “cure” Indian society? What is the past track record of American powers intervening in third-world domestic issues and curing them of their societal maladies? Are American agendas constructing categories of “cultural crimes”? The sixth-grade classroom has become the battle ground for these geopolitically charged fights. Is the sixth-grade classroom the right place to prosecute an American minority culture or a foreign nation? Among these California children, less than one percent will pursue careers as Christian evangelists slandering Hindus to convert, or as US government officials using “human rights” as a weapon to gain leverage against India. For this tiny number of potential specialists, there will be other opportunities in higher studies to embark upon a comprehensive study of India’s positive and negative social qualities. The political activism of a cartel of elitist academicians is invading the psyche of innocent children: It harasses the Indian students in class, making them feel embarrassed and ashamed of their ancestry. Challenging history is one thing, but intentionally undermining self-respect at an impressionable age is a form of psychological child abuse. It handicaps the non-Indian students who will grow up to work in a world in which India must be taken seriously and not dismissed as a patient to be exposed, subjected to licensed condescension, or “cured” by the West. The controversy of the Mohammed cartoons should compel concerned citizens everywhere to balance intellectual freedom with intellectual responsibility. Whatever may be one’s position in this debate, it must be equally applied to all religions or else it would be hypocrisy.

 Published: February 10, 2006

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India’s NGO Racket Of Human Trafficking

Dramatic scandals routinely fill India’s media headlines about some poor victim from a remote area being exploited by upper strata Delhi elites. Yet there is no investigative journalism to uncover the inconvenient facts about certain NGOs that operate what amounts to a human trafficking industry. One reason for this conspiracy of silence is that the traffickers are linked with some politically connected NGOs that make noises in the metros ostensibly on behalf of the victims. In reality the noise made serves to cover up the sinister role of NGOs in this industry that brings Christianity to the remote villages in exchange for maids to Delhi.

The elaborate scheme works as follows. Christian missionaries in adivasi (indigenous, “tribal”) areas offer poor families an inducement that is hard to resist: If the family converts to Christianity, one of its young daughters will be sent as a domestic servant to Delhi or another metro.

The affiliated “agencies” in the metros collect placement fees up to Rs 50,000 per maid from the household that hires them. In between the point of “recruitment” and the point of placement there are intermediaries that “sell”, transfer and move the young, vulnerable person through the supply chain. Money is exchanged at each stage.

The agencies keep relocating the same girl from one employer to another every few months in order to collect their placement fee repeatedly. This disruption adds to the trauma of the young girl. The agency becomes, by default, her only hope of security, and in the process she becomes even more vulnerable to the agency’s exploitation. Delhi alone is estimated to have several thousands of such girls being brought every year.

The cultural gap between India’s adivasis and its metro elites is larger in many ways than the gap between people living in Delhi and New York. The victim often gets duped into thinking that she is headed for the good life of an Indian metro, and her parents are often hand in glove in selling her into such a scheme. The money given to the parents is a “down payment” to convert them, their daughter’s placement as maid being part of the transaction. Many churches also provide safe transfer of the girl’s monthly salary back to her parents, with a certain “donation” charged by the church for its services. All this is a package deal for “being saved”.

This end-to-end system functions like the old slave trade from Africa to America and other continents — in which the church had also played a major role. Today’s racket hides behind the mask of helping the downtrodden by finding them employment in a faraway place. By no means do I wish to imply that all abuses of maids from villages are the result of this system, but that fact that such a system exists outside the bounds of investigative scrutiny is noteworthy.

In the most recent episode of this tragedy, a woman executive working for a French multinational in Delhi has been arrested on charges of committing atrocities against a girl from the Santhal tribe of Jharkhand state. The maid comes from Sahibgunj, one of India’s poorest districts. The media is having a field day sensationalising this as child labour, even after the police confirmed that documents in her village show her to be over the age of 18. The girl had worked for this executive for only 3 months, prior to which she had worked in numerous other households in Delhi since age 15. So the child labour stage of her exploitation was done under several previous employers. But there is no investigation of the previous employers. Why?

The reason for authorities not pursuing the earlier employers is that the girl is a Christian convert from a very poor family; and uncovering the entire chain of events and parties involved would expose the nexus of the Jharkhand church, the political parties that use these poor folks as their vote bank, and various NGOs involved in so-called “human rights” programs. The placement agency in Delhi is run by a Christian woman with likely links to the Jharkhand Church. The media sensationalises the matter as an isolated, localised episode when in fact it deserves to be investigated as a system of mafia-like underground network.

Brinda Karat, the rabid voice of the Communist Party of India, swung into rapid action targeting the maid’s employer, but not wanting a broader inquiry into the supply network that originates in the remote villages where her party seeks support from the church and NGOs.

Many other political leaders also saw opportunity in this scandal to show support for dalit communities whose votes can swing elections. These remote villages are also infested with Maoists seeking to topple the Indian state. The political stakes are high and NGOs compete to prove their worth by claiming to champion the plight of the poor. The same NGOs also raise funds under various “noble” pretexts.

The media ought to act more responsibly than selling us Bollywood-style action drama. To expose the large criminal networks and attack the roots of the problem, they should emphasize some systemic changes. First and foremost, it should be declared illegal to offer employment or other material inducements for religious conversion of poor and vulnerable persons. In particular, the church, parents and agencies that are involved in peddling the labor of a person under age 18 should be prosecuted. This is the nexus where the focus of prosecution should be targeted when incidents of abuse are discovered.

At the same time, one should recognise the legitimate need for domestic servants in Indian metros. To serve this demand, agencies should have to be certified periodically that they are in compliance with all laws. This must include transparency of disclosure of the full details concerning every employee and employer served. There must be a mechanism by which the legal age of a potential maid can be formally ascertained and the agency must bear this burden prior to offering her as a candidate. All commissions and salary payments must be legalised.

The media must start educating the metro employers about the laws concerning minimum wages and others aspects. Right now most Delhi households lack such awareness, as the media has focused on sensationalism without its shouldering social responsibility or due diligence.

There are also many instances of exploitation in the reverse direction that should be noted: Elderly persons in Delhi are too often being criminally attacked by their domestic servants who threaten legal action with the help of NGOs, and thereby prevent the crime from being reported. I know of cases where a youth gang has repeatedly burglarised the house of an elderly woman living alone. The police have been reluctant to file charges because of the threat by NGOs that these youth criminals are protected as “minors”. This means tougher juvenile crime laws need to be enacted and enforced.

I have anticipated such NGO-backed crimes within India since the 1990s when I first became aware of foreign nexuses intervening in India’s so-called tribal areas. It was a Harvard Roundtable Conference on Indology sponsored by Infinity foundation where I found that Western scholars had become very interested in Indian communities belonging to the “Munda” family of languages. The thesis formulated was that the Munda people were the only indigenous peoples of India. They were first invaded by the “foreign Dravidians” coming from the Middle East, and later on both the Munda and the Dravidians got invaded by the “foreign Aryans”. Thus, Indians were classified into layers with the intention of empowering one group against the others. In my earlier book, Breaking India, I mention some important US based interventions through this type of anthropology and linguistics work.

The Santhal community where the maid in the latest scandal comes from is one of the largest communities in what is called India’s “tribal belt”. Most anthropological studies on them were done by Christian missionaries since British times. The colonial-evangelical lens used was the same as for other non-Christian peoples that were encountered outside Europe, and many of its prejudices have become accepted by modern Indians. The “tribals” are considered “pagans” because they believe in “animism”, meaning that they consider all of nature as inhabited with divine spirit. (Ironically, the latest trend among Western thinkers is to appropriate these very ideas into Judeo-Christianity, using fancy new terms like “panentheism” and “immanence” after studying Hindu philosophy on which such ideas are based.) These villages have been a hotbed for missionary activities for the past few centuries, and this intensified in 1914 when the first complete translation of the Bible into the Santali language was finished by a Norwegian missionary.

Clearly, the battle for fragmenting Indians has entered a new phase. “Tribal” Indians will be increasingly exploited in various ways in the guise of bringing them human rights. The media’s framing of such episodes as “secular” crimes of an isolated kind is a shallow and inadequate treatment of what is much deeper and multilayered. This issue has far reaching implications.

Published: October 15, 2013

 

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