AI & The Future of Power, Battlegrounds

The 5 Battlegrounds

The 5 Battlegrounds

Battlegound 1
Economy, industry, education and jobs.
Data Capitalism (pp. 70-74)

A fundamental aspect of data capitalism is the concept of a platform—a company with a collection of mechanisms bringing together a set of parties to interact with each other. A platform has been defined as “a business based on enabling value by creating interactions between external producers and consumers. The platform provides an open, participative infrastructure for these interactions and sets governance conditions for them”. A platform can be any avenue that facilitates decentralized interaction.

….. Platform companies are growing far faster than any other sector of the world economy. In just a few years, they acquired trillions of dollars of market capital, mostly concentrated in the US and China. The United Nations Conference on Trade and Development report on the digital economy describes the powerful position platforms hold in the economy.

“Both their high market valuations and the speed at which global digital companies have attained high capitalizations attest to the new value associated with being able to transform digital data into digital intelligence. Investors are betting on the disruption and reorganization of whole economic sectors, such as retail, transport and accommodation, or health, education and agriculture, by investing in long-term, digital-intelligence-based control of those sectors, which, they believe, will enable the generation of high profits in the future. Such disruption may involve sweeping away traditional players as well as preempting the emergence of new digital competitors. By introducing new products, services and business models, global digital companies become factors of disruption in sectors as varied as transport, accommodation, banking, education, and the media.” (United Nations Conference on Trade and Development, Digital Economy Report 2019, pp. 83)

The vast quantity of user data the platform companies gobble up every second is the chief source of these companies’ power and wealth. Individuals and organizations voluntarily (or involuntarily when they are ignorant) hand over massive amounts of data to them. The platforms systematically record all the data that passes through them. Cloud companies are also becoming huge data collection enterprises, and their large investment in infrastructure makes them difficult to compete against. All this data is machine-readable and can be mined, curated, organized and monetized.

Digital capital consists of the mechanisms that capture and monetize the data, and this is the very heart of the new digital economy as shown in the figure 9 below.

Unemployment (pp. 83-84)

….. Some economists and industry leaders assure us that the elimination of old jobs will be compensated by the birth of new kinds of jobs. The Luddite Fallacy states that rather than eliminating jobs, new technology simply changes the nature of jobs. When the British textile industry was mechanizing during the nineteenth-century Industrial Revolution, skilled handloom weavers rose in protest and destroyed the new power looms. They became known as Luddites, after their leader Ned Ludd. However, their fears were unrealized; productivity gains from industrialization resulted in greater wealth that was reinvested into society and created new jobs. Though the Luddites were right in the short term, they were wrong about the long-term impact of the new technology.

The pattern has repeated itself in economic history over the past two centuries. Agricultural automation in the West induced farmers to migrate to cities for factory jobs. And subsequent industrial automation led workers to move into the service sector. In each of these instances, the automation revolution went through three stages:

  1. It reduced the number of old style of workers in a given sector.
  2. Surplus workers migrated to other sectors and boosted production in new jobs.
  3. The cost of goods dropped which raised overall standards of living.

The Luddites did see an immediate loss of jobs and suffering from wage reduction, but their future generations were better off. The question now being debated is this: Will the pattern repeat itself with AI-driven automation? If so, the latest AI threat to jobs will merely be a short-term disruption eventually offset by long-term economic gains. Or will the paradigm be different this time?

My position on this is that AI is different compared to prior technological disruptions for several reasons. For one thing, the disruption is occurring faster and more dramatically than during prior waves of automation. Because the pace of automation was slow in previous revolutions, displaced workers had the opportunity for re-training, and the education system had time to adjust and provide workers with the latest skills. Farming automation was a slow process; it took multiple generations, allowing society to adapt to the economic shift. Middle-aged farm workers could continue in their jobs, while their children went on to get factory work. In other words, it was an intergenerational shift and did not necessarily affect the workers mid-career.

A report by Bain & Company titled “Labor 2030: The Collision of Demographics, Automation and Inequality” predicts abrupt changes in the next decade compared to the slow transitions of the past. Worker displacement will occur two to three times faster than during the prior shifts from agriculture (early 1900s) and from manufacturing (late 1900s). This is because the adoption rates for new technologies have been accelerating. When the telephone was invented, it took seventy-five years to reach fifty million users; the mobile phone only took twelve years after invention to reach that level. The adoption of smartphones took only four years to double from one billion to two billion. Artificial Intelligence adoption is thus likely to achieve dramatic penetration because of its exponential adoption rates across different applications.

Many workers will be caught mid-career when they expect, and need, to work for many more years. They will be too young to retire but too old to retrain easily.

Inequalities and Social Disruption (pp. 87)

Automation will create a dichotomy between new haves and have-nots. Massive unemployment will occur simultaneously with shortages of professionals in the latest technologies. Those who are technically qualified, possess the latest knowledge, and can work competitively in the new economy will be rewarded with high-paying jobs. These will be the new elites. Unfortunately, most workers will be left behind to face unemployment or eke out a meager living.

In the imminent future, society will have to acknowledge the existence of what I call the unemployable class. Additionally, the greater longevity that results from medical advances will further increase costs for the nonproductive elderly. Income disparity will become glaringly large and foment increased stratification between social classes. The middle class might virtually disappear, leaving a small upper class of elites and an exceptionally large lower class. Labor shortages will exist at the upper end, with a surplus of obsolete workers at the lower end.

Artificial Intelligence will exacerbate economic divisions by worsening the disparity that already exists. In the Global Wealth Report 2019, Credit Suisse Wealth Institute indicates that the top 1% of the world’s richest people own 45% of the world’s wealth; it provides the breakdown for major countries. According to one report the world’s 2,000 billionaires have more wealth than the bottom 4.6 billion people combined, and the richest 1% have more than the combined wealth of 6.9 billion people.

….. Most economists like to pacify the public with the claim that new jobs created by AI will compensate for the loss of old jobs, but this assertion does not address the problem for several reasons. As stated earlier, AI’s new jobs will not be located where old jobs are eliminated, but wherever the AI industry’s innovations and implementations are located. The Oxford Economics report indicates that job losses and gains will be unevenly distributed between countries, between regions of the same country, and even between different communities in the same region. The consumers who benefit from cheaper goods due to automation will be scattered around the world, whereas the communities that lose manufacturing jobs will be locally concentrated. In fact, Oxford Economics states: “increased industrial automation will tend to exacerbate the regional inequalities that already exist within advanced economies”.

….. The coronavirus pandemic will make the unemployment situation even worse for the most vulnerable people, exacerbating the problems caused by AI. One estimate is that this latest crisis could plunge another half a billion people into poverty and will adversely impact women more than men. The well-recognized gender pay gap even in developed countries like the US is likely to worsen due to the pandemic.

….. Despite these trends, a sizeable segment of millennials, especially those employed in the tech industry, subscribe to the optimistic view that AI will usher in an age of abundance and freedom for all. This attitude is an oversimplification resulting from a collective unwillingness to acknowledge reality and inability to reason with sophistication when confronted with uncomfortable truths.

Challenging the optimists (pp. 98)

To solidify my arguments, it is worth summarizing my response to the optimists. Their common counterargument to the potential devastation of AI is that the current wave of automation differs little from previous occurrences. During previous waves, machines were not replacing judgment, intuition and creativity. Artificial Intelligence is, however, encroaching even the highest levels of human cognition and intellect in fields like medicine, transportation, sports, media and the arts. Of course, some residual human jobs will remain, but these will be fewer and fewer. The open question is this: Is there a level of human function higher than what AI can replace? If so, what is it? The answers are speculative at best.

Contrary to popular reassurances by many economists, there is no guarantee that market forces will create enough new jobs to replace the old ones. Lawrence Summers, former Harvard president, chief economist at World Bank, and treasury secretary under former US president, Bill Clinton, told New York Times that we cannot stop technological change, nor can we “just suppose that everything’s going to be O.K. because the magic of the market will assure that’s true”.

Reports that do admit to the seriousness of the problem often pass the responsibility for solutions over to some unnamed billionaires. They assume large-scale altruism and philanthropy on the part of the top 1% to help the unemployed. Yet the idea of redistributing wealth from the rich to the poor through taxation is, at best, idealistic. Most proclamations on the importance of doing good fail to propose how to transform the human ego dramatically enough to make such altruistic visions real. How can we shift the rich and successful away from the intoxication of materialism and personal grandeur? The problem of limitless greed is old, and not easily solved.

Battlegound 2
Geopolitics and military – USA, China and India.
Disrupting the World Order (pp. 106)

….. The Industrial Revolution enabled Britain to surpass its European rivals and become the world’s largest empire, a position it held for almost two centuries.

There are some parallels between Britain’s rise to world domination and China’s ambitions to achieve the same. Artificial Intelligence is to China’s twenty-first-century rise to power what the Industrial Revolution was to Britain’s ascendance in the late 1700s.

However, unlike Britain, China’s recent rise to power is not its first experience of historical greatness. China has a long history as a preeminent nation with an advanced, regionally dominant civilization. Through ancient and medieval times, China enjoyed a high culture that produced technological innovations such as paper, movable-type printing, gunpowder, the compass, the mechanical clock, silk, acupuncture and porcelain. Few inventions are developed entirely in isolation; for millennia China enjoyed bidirectional intellectual trade with other countries that further enhanced some of its technologies.

Later on, China declined and became impoverished over several centuries. At the end of the Second World War, China’s people had been entrenched in poverty for several generations. China’s recent rise is a redevelopment—that is, China is a redeveloping, not a developing, nation. The ancient roots of its earlier prominence play an increasingly important role in defining its future identity on the world stage.

What is an entirely new kind of experience for China—in which it has a long learning curve ahead—is to build an empire that is global and not just in its geographical neighborhood. In this respect, its projection of hard power into far-flung places like Africa and Latin America are bold experiments.

Digital Colonization (pp.107)

….. The new AI-based power centers are located firmly in the US and China. A new era of colonization—namely, digital colonization—is already underway. The associated economic, social and political effects will devastate other countries, which will be relegated to the status of colonies or satellites. And China’s grip on its colonies will strengthen—including large parts of Africa and Latin America as well as Asian countries like Pakistan.

….. The AI investments in recent years, as well as forecasts for the future, have resulted in a heavy concentration of intellectual property, industrial assets and wealth generation in the US and China. PricewaterhouseCoopers has forecasted that the total world GDP will increase by up to 14% by the year 2030 as a result of AI, suggesting that almost sixteen trillion dollars of additional economic activity will be added to the world economy during this decade alone.

A United Nations 2019 report also offers an interesting perspective on technological dominance.

“China, the United States and Japan together account for 78 per cent of all AI patent filings in the world. USA and China account for 75 per cent of all patents related to blockchain technologies, 50 per cent of global spending on internet-of-things, at least 75 per cent of the cloud computing market, and 90 per cent of the market capitalization value of the world’s 70 largest digital platform companies.” (United Nations Conference on Trade and Development, Digital Economy Report 2019, 8-9, xvi.)

..… In summary, AI-driven disruptions will precipitate the dawn of the age of digital colonialism. Because economies of scale figure significantly in the development and management of AI technology, the haves and have-nots in AI will be a decisive factor in determining the fate of nations. Some will win big, and others will be forced out of the race. The countries with the biggest databases, the largest budgets, and the most experience with deployment will eclipse others in AI. Digital domination will translate into profits and, consequently, increased investment capacity over those that fall behind. The gap between leaders and laggards will be practically impossible to close; in fact, due to the exponential growth of technology, the gap is likely to widen. The low-wage comparative advantage of developing countries is rapidly fading away because AI-based automation will eliminate most low-level factory jobs.

Those countries left behind are destined for digital colonization in the same way the Industrial Revolutions enslaved many parts of the world. Countries starting late in the AI race will eventually give up, forced to accept their fate as a second-tier player and becoming, in effect, a dependent nation or even a virtual colony.

Data Exploitation (pp. 113)

….. Poor countries lack the sophistication and clarity to negotiate, and therefore their valuable data is pilfered by foreign parties over whom they have no control. In most cases, these countries do not even know who has taken what data or how it is being used. Consequently, they are unable to assert sovereignty claims over their own native data. Rich countries, led by the US, aggressively complain about stolen intellectual property, but they have conveniently avoided classifying data as intellectual property.

Perhaps the most egregious form of economic exploitation today is the export of free raw data and the import of value-added information products that use this data. In some cases, biased agreements spell out how developing countries receive modest amounts of technology and network connectivity in exchange for giving up vast amounts of data. Zimbabwe, for example, has signed such a deal with the Chinese company CloudWalk. The Zimbabwean government receives surveillance technology, and in return CloudWalk receives facial recognition data on Zimbabwe citizens. The Chinese will effectively own and control private data on Zimbabwe’s citizens, a potentially powerful political weapon in the future.

….. Google’s high-altitude balloons and Facebook’s drones are projects that those companies claim will benefit millions in Africa by connecting them onto the global knowledge highways. But such deception merely panders to the feel-good headspace of ignorant politicians of poor countries that happily give up their data sovereignty.

We know about the horrible debt traps that have yoked many developing countries to creditors in rich countries. The UN warns that in the future, “Developing countries may risk ending up in a ‘data trap,’ at the lower levels of the data value chains and become dependent on global digital platforms”.

Return of the East India Company (pp.116)

….. The AI-based concentration of power has taken on a terrifying new aspect. When we think of global power, countries like the US, China, and Russia readily come to mind. But today, private companies are accumulating immense power based on their ability to leverage AI and big data as tools to influence, manipulate and even control the minds of people.

Some of these private companies may soon become more powerful than many nation-states, but the shift will not be obvious. They will not fly a flag or manage a currency (although some are attempting to launch their own cryptocurrency), and they will not wield military power, at least not directly. However, their unprecedented knowledge of people and things around the world, coupled with their ability to disrupt and alter the physical world and manipulate people’s choices, will lead to a new nexus of power. Such companies will decide who will, and who will not, be given access to this new form of power, and on what terms.

Not one Indian company is a player in this league. Most unfortunate is that a large number of talented Indians work for American and Chinese companies in an individual capacity, including in top executive positions, but not as owners. Indians who do own companies tend to sell their stake when the right offer comes along. Whenever innovative entrepreneurs anywhere in the world develop a promising breakthrough, digital giants or venture firms that serve as their proxies are waiting to buy them out. As a result, hundreds of instant millionaires are being created at the individual level, including many living in India.

I view this trend as the return of Britain’s East India Company, which started out in 1600 as a modest private company for the purpose of making profit from lucrative trade with India. Over its 250-year history, the East India Company became the world’s largest private business, amassing more wealth, income and military power than even its own British government. Despite being a private company, it became a colonial power—collecting taxes, operating courts, and running the military and other functions of state across many kingdoms within India. At the time, the East India Company had more ships, soldiers, money and territory under its control than any European government, though now it is remembered as a rogue machine. Since then, the lines between government and private companies have often blurred.

China's ambitious plan (pp. 122)

….. China started out with a long-term strategy for climbing the ladder of higher value-added manufacturing. Its strategic planners identified futuristic industries to target and with remarkable precision, determined which technologies would become critical to the future AI revolution. Today’s game-changing technologies were anticipated by China ahead of most countries and the country positioned itself based on that vision.

….. China’s vision statements are not just talking points meant to impress audiences and make the public feel good. These strategies are implemented at the deepest levels of society and its institutions. China has stronger government–industry alliances than any other major country, its R&D investments are paying off, its standard of public-school education has been rising at a rate typical of world leaders, it has harnessed more data into its AI systems than any other country, and its population is sold on the idea that surveillance using big data is in the long-term national interest.

China innovates in several cutting-edge technologies. At the center of the advanced technology being developed and produced in China is AI, and the technology permeates each industry to its core. In fact, China is currently producing more patents in certain advanced technologies than any other country, including the US.

The export surplus from manufacturing has stocked China’s treasury with cash to finance an impressive war chest. In fact, China is currently a major lender to the US government and utilizes this economic clout to successfully negotiate with US authorities, both governmental and corporate.

Betting the Future on AI (pp. 127)

The Chinese government made a bold bet by placing AI at the center of its strategic vision to leapfrog ahead of the US in every major field by 2050. Its ambitious plan established milestones and measurable benchmarks to assess progress along the way. They have achieved their benchmarks thus far. China is committed to becoming the worldwide center of AI innovation by the year 2030, including not only AI itself but also the wide array of breakthrough technologies enabled by, and associated with it, such as quantum computing and microchip design.

These comprehensive plans address educating the Chinese people in the latest technologies as well as deploying these technologies in every aspect of their public and private lives. To this end, Chinese venture capital investing in AI constituted a massive 48% of global venture funding in 2017, surpassing the US for the first time.

China’s ambition is based on forecasts that predict AI technologies will engender a productivity leap on a scale comparable to that of the eighteenth-century Industrial Revolution. It is estimated that AI-related products and services will cause a sixteen trillion-dollar increase in global GDP by 2030. The Chinese intend to capture almost half of this total increase, approximately $7 trillion, while North America’s share is estimated to be lower at $3.7 trillion.

US Government responses (pp. 143)

Though China was quite open about its global ambitions during the past two decades, the US did not consider it a serious threat until recently. The US had bought into China’s public posture that both would be friendly superpowers and the rise of China would expand the global economy for the benefit of all. Also, the US felt that converting China into free market capitalism would be a moral and ideological victory.

….. The US government is now actively throwing its weight to counteract China’s AI initiatives that pose a national security threat. For instance, the hardware technology for AI has been declared a national security asset by the US and bans have been imposed to prevent this technology from getting into Chinese hands.

….. What this means to the book’s thesis is that all other countries, especially India, will feel the impact of the US vs China cold war. India will face increasing challenges in its attempt to become a totally independent and neutral country with superpower status. At the same time, India is far too large and complex to become a satellite of either the US or China. The impact on other countries will be severe as well. There is a real danger of the world slipping into a phase of recolonization in which the US and China compete for territories and imperialistic influences just as the European powers—Britain, France, Holland, Portugal and Spain—did in the sixteenth to nineteenth centuries. The strategic weapons that were the game changers were devices like navigation and canons. Now there are the new technologies we have been discussing—with AI as the umbrella bringing them together and serving as the force multiplier.

Battlegound 3
The Moronization of the masses – bowing down to the digital deities
Artificial Emotional Intelligence (pp. 156)

…. The term artificial emotional intelligence refers to the following kinds of abilities:

  • Predicting individual behavior by modeling emotional patterns. Artificial Intelligence can develop emotional profiles of individuals that enable a machine to evaluate someone’s psychological state.
  • Substituting for human contact by providing emotional interaction. Artificial Intelligence is becoming adept at reading and responding to emotions like a human.
  • Influencing moods and shifting people’s choices toward a product or idea with emotional value. With the ability to masquerade as human, AI can make people feel good about themselves, boost their self-esteem, and reinforce specific ideas. It can make them feel happy or sad or convince them to choose a certain movie, buy a specific product, fall in love with someone, start hating someone or something, and so forth.

In performing emotional functions, the machine is not expected to achieve perfection—but neither can human beings perfectly perform such tasks. If the machine’s emotional performance is sufficiently on par with that of humans, it will replace humans at some point or at least augment the emotional work of humans.

….. The branches of AI dealing with artificial emotional intelligence are galloping ahead because machines are no longer limited to well-structured tasks and can now deal with ambiguous situations. Ad hoc tasks involving instincts, intuition and creativity are also subject to automation. While the extent to which AI will be able to perform such tasks is uncertain, some cognitive functions are already becoming automated.

….. The broad goal of all these fields and subfields is to understand human cognition, replace or augment humans with machines, and influence people’s choices. These functions are already being widely used for clinical medicine, political analysis, customer service, market research, and business strategy. Considerable research, however, is still needed before models can understand and replicate human common sense, which is implicit knowledge and often unconsciously ingrained in human interactions.

Dumbing Down the Masses (pp. 161)

People’s memories are atrophying because they constantly depend on online searches and intelligent devices for information. As memory atrophies, attention span shortens, leading to a decline in study habits. At the same time, digital users artificially inflate their egos through social media platforms like Facebook and Twitter, with instant popularity measured by the number of likes or followers, sometimes running into millions. While these activities enhance social status—indeed, some social media stars consider themselves a new class of celebrities and intellectuals—they also contribute to a greater dependency on, and addiction to, social media. Ultimately, such users become dependent on social media for their self-esteem and psychological well-being. This cognitive reengineering is not a passing fad but the likely future being driven by the latest AI technology. I use the term ‘moronization’ to refer to this dumbing down of large portions of humanity.

This is unlikely to reverse because, contrary to popular belief that human cognition is somehow sacrosanct, algorithmic modeling of emotions, psychological characteristics and mental faculties is already delivering practical applications. Such applications, of course, render humans highly susceptible to emotional seduction by digital systems.

Artificial Pleasures and Emotions (pp. 165)

By manipulating hormones, neurotransmitters, neural networks, and eventually artificial memories, machines are rigging our human physiology to produce pleasure and avoid pain. Certain kinds of private experiences are already being technologically engineered to alter individuals’ emotional states.

One active area of research is the modeling of human weakness and vulnerability. Machine learning systems score the likelihood of users being diverted from reading something on their screen. When a pop-up appears on the screen, the machine learning system tracks the messages that are most successful in grabbing a given user’s attention. Various kinds of cognitive stimuli are devised and tested, and the responses are recorded and stored in a database that can be accessed by AI systems and used to construct a detailed map of an individual’s psychology.

This map provides insights into psychological behavior patterns. How likely are users to be diverted by, for example, an ad for a product for which they recently searched? Or perhaps by pornography? Or by a specific political conspiracy theory or the news of an impending alarming event? Models identify how specific individuals are fickle or susceptible to flattery, to techniques that feed their hunger for attention, and to the types of entertaining diversions that make their humdrum lives more exciting.

The cognitive mapping of hundreds of millions of people’s emotions, likes, dislikes, preferences and vulnerabilities is taking place in a very scientific manner. Their activities are recorded in a variety of formats including voice, text, images, handwriting, biometrics, buying habits, interpersonal communications, travel options and entertainment preferences. Machines have become extremely clever at not only capturing private information but also understanding the meaning and purpose of human activities.

….. Researchers are experimenting with physical implants that will take VR and AR systems to new heights for the gratification of sensory delights. Just as talkies replaced silent movies, a new generation of movies in which feelings are transmitted directly to viewers through implants is predicted to be available in the future. Virtual Reality can be used, for example, to provide the sense of walking around the neighborhood, even if one is physically confined at home.

Addictive Behavior Programming (pp. 168)

Numerous books and consultants specialize in teaching AI companies how to capture users through their emotions. Hooked: How to Build Habit-Forming Products by Nir Eyal examines human desires and weaknesses to make what are called sticky apps. The intent is to map out users’ emotional characteristics, especially their vulnerabilities, and then tap into that map to create a customized AI intervention that manipulates a specific desire. Sticky apps provide outlets for suppressed desires, such as the urge to watch pornography, go on an exotic journey, or indulge the fantasy of being a popular public figure. Once someone’s hidden desires are identified, the content is selected to satisfy them. Those who long to travel can do so via AR goggles that will transport them to the place of their dreams. Designers of online hooks exploit people’s tendency to seek relief from stress. Based on the idea that people prefer excitement to boredom and contentment to anxiety, digital marketing companies substitute artificial gratification to intervene and manipulate users’ emotions.

Some manipulative systems contrive scarcity as a gimmick to enhance the perceived value; online retailers often state “only three items left” to create a sense of urgency and play on the user’s fear of missing out. Other systems encourage users to invest in experiences which deepen their dependence on the system. For example, the exciting conversations held on a social media platform could become a precious part of one’s social relations, making it difficult to abandon them and start all over again on a new platform.

….. The process of psychological manipulation is designed to change behavior. The initial hook offers users a perceived benefit that the target group cannot resist; the system then makes it progressively harder for them to disengage. The resulting transfer of power is both gradual and unconscious. Facebook, YouTube and Twitter freely deliver a wide range of user experiences that consumers find difficult to resist. Artificial Intelligence systems have figured out the most powerful, irresistible desires for all kinds of individuals, and fulfills them. An entire field of research specializes in designing systems of instant gratification and addiction.

….. The playbook of the AI giants is eventually to have the maximum number of humans go through life on autopilot. People find comfort in automatic behavior that demands little or no conscious thought. Delegating one’s agency to a machine is like trusting a friend. This frees up the conscious mind to pay attention to more important activities. One day, consumers—and voters—will make very few free choices and will be rewarded for living mostly in autopilot mode.

Yet few people ever consider the ramifications of this transfer of power because they are blinded by the fulfillment of their desires. Most people are not balancing—nor even conscious of—the trade-off between the gain in gratification and efficiency and their loss of free will.

Digital Slavery (pp. 177)

A common technique for training AI systems is to throw a variety of stimuli at people simply for the purpose of measuring their emotional response. By tracking and analyzing responses, machines develop ever more sophisticated psychological maps of people, and in the process become emotionally savvy.

….. The system monitors users and creates a personalized predictive model, or map, of their private psychology. The right illustrates how digital platforms use these personalized predictive models to create what I call happy morons. Exploiting their predictive models, machines offer inducements (or threats) to drive behavior and addict users to the platform and its alleged benefits.

..… Facebook uses tens of thousands of factors such as clicks, likes, shares, comments and personal interests to determine users’ news feed. Its marketing material solicits advertisers by bragging how well it can influence the emotions of users by such manipulations. Depending on what is in the best commercial interests of Facebook, its algorithms decide how to filter the information presented to each individual user. It is important to note that there is no such thing as an objective choice of content being made on our behalf.

..… Social media has become the newest opium of the masses. Digital platforms distract and control the masses with addictive content to keep them mesmerized. Users’ reactions are then analyzed, and the responses incorporated into the system in a never-ending cycle that makes algorithms ever more effective at manipulating behavior. In effect, people surrender their agency and willingly enter a system of digital slavery.

The Battle For Aesthetics (pp. 185)

The strategy of aestheticized power is a brilliant method to deceive people and give them a false sense of pride. It pushes emotional buttons that influence people’s psychology and override their pragmatic interests.

The latest aestheticization of power is now being implemented by the digital platforms—the delivery of customized user experiences that machine learning has identified as those to which given individuals are most susceptible. Dumbing down users and addicting them to sensual gratification and intense emotions makes them more prone to aestheticization as a method of exploitation.

The use of aesthetics can be an effective means to capture power in a pragmatic sense. A crude example would be winning over someone’s heart and using the emotional attachment to siphon off their money. A more sophisticated example is the diplomatic offer of military support to another country to achieve the pragmatic goal of getting troops into that country. We are also familiar with the way missionaries win over poor people by giving them gifts at a time of vulnerability, only to convert them and turn them into a political vote bank. The sequence of events is depicted in the figure.

Battlegound 4
Loss of selfhood to artificial emotions and gratifications.
Algorithmic Biology

….. Many technologists and futurists view living organisms as mere algorithms in which concepts like free will are meaningless. They model a human as a bag of meat driven solely by biochemical and electronic processes that we recognize as sensations, emotions, thoughts and even selfhood. Artificial Intelligence and neuroscience collaborate to produce interventions at various levels of our cognitive apparatus (see Figure 18); in effect, creating the means to hijack all the natural mechanisms that produce our emotions and thus drive our behavior.

The world’s largest wealth creation in recent times is emerging from the digital economy driven by computer algorithms that model human behavior at the deepest levels. This economy is going to get even bigger. The corporate giants of the future will deconstruct people into separately manageable biological processes and then use neural networks to monitor, understand and manipulate them. The self is being broken down into a definable series of sensations, emotions and thoughts. Each component of the self lends itself to external engagement by AI machines.

In these reductionist models, the self is nothing more than a pragmatic construct that serves as the nexus of individual desires and actions. The computerization of physiology and the use of AI to exploit biology and neuroscience will revolutionize commerce and industry, including shopping, entertainment, tourism, sex, games and sports, socializing and politics. Hardly any field will remain untouched.

Hacking Nature’s Learning Systems (pp. 209)

The marriage between the life sciences and AI will disrupt existing societal norms. A new paradigm—considering the physical body as an organic computer—is emerging. In this paradigm, organic computers carry out biological processes the same way that silicon-based computers perform algorithms. Human physical and mental functions can be modeled as a set of algorithms running on the organic hardware that we know as our physical body.

Life scientists also claim to be able to use non-living mechanical systems to replicate the behavior of living systems. In effect, although they will not say so explicitly, this development is tantamount to creating what may be called artificial life. It is worth reiterating that such systems are not conscious, and further, that intelligence can be independent of consciousness. If our concern is with functionality in the world and not with the metaphysics of what we call life, it does seem reasonable to consider that such systems in fact behave like artificial life. This is to say, these are non-living systems that mimic the outward behavior of living systems. Figure 19 shows the ways life sciences and computer sciences are already collaborating.

The Assault on Spiritualism (pp. 214)

Reductionism is an analytical method that breaks down a system for deeper examination. These constituent parts are themselves composites of smaller parts, or subsystems. The reductionist process of dividing systems into ever smaller parts is carried out at as many levels as one can. As the reductionistic models move further from the holistic sense of a unified selfhood, systems are, simply speaking, considered nothing more than the sum of their parts.

Basically, algorithms can be broken down into smaller algorithms, which consist of even smaller algorithms. But in the end, an algorithm has no self. The notion of an algorithm having a self is meaningless in the reductionist approach.

A similar process takes place in the practice of Vedanta, where the self (often referred to as the ego) is deconstructed as a false sense of unity. In the perspective of ultimate existence, no ego actually exists. However, Vedanta and scientific reductionism differ in one critical aspect: The deconstruction of parts leads in opposite directions.

In the case of Vedanta, the deconstruction of the objects of inquiry—physical, mental, and emotional objects that occupy our cognition—is only one step. The subject of inquiry—the who am I question—is what leads to the final outcome. The process of deconstruction is carried out through various prescribed means. One method is jnana or knowledge; another is through dhyana or deep meditation; yet another is through karma at the level where action occurs spontaneously without any sense of being the agent of action; and finally, bhakti or complete surrender of the algorithmic self (i.e. ego) to the divine. Upon the cognitive dissolution of the ego, all experience is recognized as springing from a deeper level of being and a sense of more profound Absolute Self—with a capital S—known as the Atman.

Although the conventionally experienced self is discovered to be false in Vedanta, it is replaced by the permanent, and far more profound, Atman.

In the case of biological materialism discussed in the preceding pages, only a collection of physical parts exists with nothing beyond the physical.

….. The reductionist algorithmic model posits that sensations are nothing more than physical, biological processes. In the same way, emotions and thoughts are merely physical processes, implying that they are susceptible to external intervention, manipulation and substitution.

According to this model, feelings, emotions and thoughts from biological systems somehow mysteriously coalesce into what we call the self—the constituent parts of the greater whole, the human being. The so-called human machine assumes a self only as a biological necessity. In the evolutionary process, the self was an important psychological construct that served as the nexus for the biological machine’s success, a survival strategy in the face of challenges. Evolutionary competitiveness determined the outcome: Biological entities without a notion of self were handicapped and failed to evolve the best survival skills. They lost out to competing entities that developed a presumed sense of self and behaved according to that sense. This argument is analogous to the idea that a sports team or an army has a better chance of winning if the group has a cohesive identity comprising all its members, compared to a rival group that lacks a collective selfhood. The self is simply an identity that serves the pragmatic function of competitiveness.

Self-Defeating Humanism (pp. 225)

Humanism posits that absolute truth does not exist independently of what humans have constructed. What we think of as the meaning and purpose of life is actually a set of shared narratives consisting of stories, metaphysics, laws, cultures, and so on. Such traditions enjoy a public consensus, providing a social and ideological contract among peoples, and this serves as the foundation on which society functions. In other words, all grand narratives are collectively manufactured stories with a practical purpose: to provide us with meaning in what we do. They are the glue, even if at times the crazy glue, that holds society together.

…The core myth that characterizes liberalism is this: There is no transcendental intelligence, and we must be guided by the human-centric starting point. Humans possess free will, and this free will must be accorded the highest empowerment. Liberal politics empower the voter. Liberal economics empower the customer. Liberal aesthetics empower people to define their own ideas of beauty. Liberal ethics entitle everyone to pursue happiness, however they define it. Liberal education empowers free thought. Modern science and technology are built on the liberal premise of humankind’s rights and powers over the cosmos.

Ironically, AI is on the course to overthrow liberalism and its substratum, humanism. Yet this new AI technology is itself a creation of humanism through the following process:

  1. The rubric of humanism assumes that the cosmos has the meaning and purpose people have assigned to it. In other words, meaning and purpose are whatever we all accept by broad consensus.
  2. Liberalism’s pursuit of human empowerment has taken us to new heights of scientific and technological achievement.
  3. These very advances are now manipulating us to become increasingly dependent on machines to deliver longer lifespans, physical and cognitive pleasures, and a sense of unlimited power through the technological conquest of nature.
  4. Such machine domination can only occur at the cost of disempowering ordinary humans. The biggest casualty is free will, the very core of liberalism. Smart machines, owned and controlled by a small number of individuals and business entities, will manage more and more of society’s functions. Humans voluntarily give up their free will as machines become smarter and take over their thought and agency.
  5. Downgrading the importance of the individual amounts to humanism’s ideological defeat by its own products.

In other words, the products of humanism are defeating the myth of humanism.

The Crash of Civilization (pp. 250)

Once AI has taken control of the social sciences research apparatus, it will create a new grand narrative that will make the obsolescence of human agency and labor seem normal, even desirable. For instance, some thinkers already recommend that to resolve the crisis of unemployment, society should decouple work from social status. Unemployed people would then be afforded human dignity by being guaranteed basic needs including entertainment, and the loss of employment would not carry its current social stigma. In effect, these authors are preparing humanity for large-scale unemployment by somehow making it desirable to passively enjoy the sensory delights offered by new AI technologies without having to work.

People will accept this shift as a gift: they will no longer have to work or even make choices for themselves. They will gladly become subservient to whatever customized pleasures are doled out to them; machines will run their lives for them, for their own good. Dumbed-down people will be provided with all their emotional needs and gratification, which will, in turn, make them even more passive and easily controlled, thus paving the way for a small number of artificially augmented superhumans to become the new elite.

I call such a disruption of society the crash of civilization. During this period, the humans being downgraded will still need to be fed and have their emotional and psychological needs met.

Battlegound 5
Stress-testing the Indian Rashtra.
Excerpt 1 (pp. 261)

….. My research on the likely impact of AI on India has entailed numerous conversations with thought leaders and the study of the written materials available. NITI Aayog, India’s leading government policy think tank, has provided helpful reports on the subject. I also recently read Bridgital Nation: Solving Technology’s People Problem written by the Indian industrialist, Natarajan Chandrasekaran, chairman of Tata Sons.

….. Most reports I have read on AI’s impact on India adopt the framework used by Western industry analysts as their starting point and fine tune the conclusions by plugging in Indian statistics. There is a lack of fresh studies that start from the ground up in India, beginning at the grassroots and working up, rather than going top-down from the West to Indian corporates and then further down.

Some of the glaring blind spots are as follows:

  1. The focus of most reports is on the big corporates. The impact on the bottom 500 million Indians in economic status, if considered at all, is addressed as an afterthought.
  2. Most reports do not build financial models to accurately estimate the capital and operating expenses involved in implementing AI. Their forecasts are largely based on surveying industry executives and employees with leading questions of a positive kind, while avoiding the troubling issues except in passing. Many respondents are not sufficiently informed about AI to give useful views of the future.
  3. The problems of unemployment and inequalities are brushed aside as non-issues: The conclusions of some Western reports that new jobs will replace old ones is quickly assumed to be applicable to India without due diligence on the details.

What is not considered are the following:

  1. The new jobs created by AI will help a different social-economic demographic group, i.e. those with high standards of education that very few Indian youths get. These few privileged youths with good education are quickly bought off and plucked away to build intellectual property for Western multinationals. But the jobs lost will be from the lower- and middle-class workers that are poorly educated and insufficiently skilled.
  2. Many of the new jobs in AI will be geographically concentrated in places like Silicon Valley and Bengaluru. This will exacerbate the rich versus poor geographical divides within India as well as between developed and developing countries.
  3. The new AI related jobs will go to the youth and not the middle-aged workers displaced at the peak of their careers. The speed of disruption is too fast to allow the present generation of workers to continue employment for their remaining careers. They will become obsolete in their vulnerable middle-age. This is a serious inter-generational disruption.
  4. The financial burden of the massive re-education of millions of workers is not something we can assume the corporates will automatically do. The rosy promises of re-training workers are simply not backed by credible commitments. In fact, some reports suggest that such talk by industry leaders serves as good public relations to mask the calamity of unemployment, by kicking the can down the road rather than dealing with it…..

….. India has recently started taking AI seriously, but the response is weak and has come rather late. China and the US have a head start of more than a decade, and it will be difficult for India to catch up. The ramifications of being left behind will be serious. Further, India’s path forward is crippled by several factors.

  • India’s budget for AI development is tiny compared to levels in the US and China.
  • The main opportunity in AI that has been identified is for Indians to supply labor for foreign clients. Subordination to other countries will perpetuate the problem of Indians serving as the labor class that builds intellectual property assets for others.
  • Many AI start-ups in India are funded by foreign companies with deep pockets and a tentacled hold, so that the occasional Indian success story is quickly acquired and digested into the global brand. Those that are funded domestically often look to sell out to foreign tech giants as their exit strategy. Examples include Halli Labs and Sigmoid Labs, both AI start-ups in India that got acquired by Google.
  • Many Indian start-ups are “me-too” copycats offering little original intellectual property leadership—mimicking a foreign platform, Uber, Amazon, or Airbnb, etc……

….. India’s pride often includes the feeling that it is the vishvaguru, or the guru of the world, at least in a spiritual sense. But what is seldom discussed in these proclamations is that such a lofty status also brings corresponding karmic responsibilities. In claiming such a status, has India succeeded or failed in its responsibilities?

Indeed, there is great enthusiasm in India about becoming a global soft power. For instance, India has adopted the posture of leading the world’s yoga movement and is starting to do the same in Ayurveda. The film industry and other popular cultural movements have already become established in the global discourse as Indian exports.

However, the following reality check needs to be considered.

Culture ≠ soft power: Just because a country has a wonderful and robust popular culture does not necessarily mean that it has turned this into any power per se. Soft power is the ability to influence others’ policies according to one’s own interests. Culture, exotica, and tourism are separate entities from soft power. It is a persuasive power over others in a pragmatic sense. Only when culture is transformed into concrete influence over others does it become soft power. Despite their growing popularity, yoga and Ayurveda do not constitute soft power for India. In fact, the Ayurveda certification in Western countries is not controlled from India. The New York-based Yoga Alliance is advancing its goal of standardizing yoga practices decoupled from Indian traditions. The Indian government’s efforts to spread awareness of yoga are commendable, but they have not produced any power per se.

Hard power as a foundation for soft power: The real question to ask is whether soft power is sustainable without hard power. Is soft power by itself viable? Or is that merely the fallback position of those that fail to compete in the hard power kurukshetra (battleground), a cover for their weakness by claiming soft power as a consolation prize?

Individual success ≠ collective soft power: India is also justifiably proud that its diaspora is asserting its Indian identity and has excelled as doctors, technology entrepreneurs, financial industry experts, pharma industry leaders, chefs, filmmakers, and other professionals. Indians head some of the world’s largest multinational companies. There is, however, a big difference between the power of individuals for their own personal success and the power of India’s institutions for global impact. There is a difference between Indians using their heritage for personal gain and those sacrificing their personal success for a greater national interest.

Exporting Manpower And Importing Technology (pp. 278)

The telecom and information technology revolution, including the spread of the internet, mobile telephones, and social media, has been largely pioneered by Western firms. But it is fair to say that Indian engineers played a significant role as employees and contractors working for the companies that own the intellectual property.

At the same time, India has become one of the largest markets importing these technologies. India is proud of having the fastest-growing installed base of mobile users, but the technology used in the networks is largely US and European, and the handsets are mainly Chinese. India takes pride in that it has the second-highest number of internet users in the world, and this number is growing faster than any other country. India also has among the world’s largest installed bases of users on Facebook, WhatsApp, Instagram, Twitter, and YouTube. Indians buy mostly Chinese hardware and use it to access US digital platforms. These facts indicate Indians’ eagerness as consumers of foreign products and services, but also highlight the failure of domestic technology developers. Even when manufacturing is done in India due to cost advantages, the research and engineering controlled by foreign entities give them the power over intellectual property.

….. My concern is that India has failed to adequately educate the youth and enable them to realize their potential. The civilization that was once a world-class knowledge producer and exporter has become the biggest importer and consumer of foreign products and services—from agriculture to technology. Even in the realm of accolades, Indians chase Academy Awards, Nobel Prizes, Pulitzer Prizes, Rhodes Scholarships, Fulbright Scholarships, and various other international awards, much more than domestic recognitions of achievement.

….. To understand how India has slipped, consider the following analogy. Suppose a contractor recruits poor villagers from Bihar and brings them to Delhi as laborers on a construction site. The laborers do not own any equity in the project, not so much as a single brick. The bricks they install belong to the client who owns the building. When the construction project is completed, workers must look for the next job, and then yet another one. Their labor does not translate into any equity or long-term security. But the contractor organizing this labor makes a handsome profit quickly with little effort or value added.

At first this arrangement looks promising for the workers, because they can send money home to support their struggling families. And they may earn enough money to buy some consumer goods that are the envy of people back in the village. Maybe they own a fancy smart phone or a scooter. Compared to others in the village, their lifestyle is superior. They are the village heroes, and their parents are proud. They are sought after as a good catch for marriage.

India’s software lead was similarly based on labor arbitrage with foreign clients, which is inherently a rickety business model in the long run. The middlemen in India hired computer programmers for low salaries compared to Western levels. They marked up the rates and sold cheap Indian labor to foreign, particularly US, companies. Clients saved money because the wage rates in the US were much higher than in India even after the markups. This system appeared to bolster India’s economy. But in the long run, labor arbitrage is self-defeating as explained below:

Only in the past few years did India’s government and corporations wake up when the US started clamping down on outsourcing, and when Indian tech workers sent to the US also faced increasing competition from American professionals. Labor arbitrage does have value for the short term, bringing quick employment and helping train the local workforce. But the middlemen should not accumulate wealth at the expense of workers, and government planners should not consider it as a sustainable strategy.

  • It only works if Indian wages remain sufficiently low compared to the client country. Indian tech workers must be kept below a wage ceiling for the model to remain viable. But suppressing wages merely encourages the best minds to leave India in search of fair compensation.
  • Other developing countries also enter the same field using their own low wages as an advantage, and they may underbid the Indian wages.
  • Client countries inevitably tighten immigration laws to save their own jobs. India’s export becomes contingent on the internal politics of the client country.
Population Tsunami (pp. 296)

….. India has touted its large youth population as a demographic dividend rather than looking at it as a mixed blessing. Young people do have hands to work with, but they also have stomachs to feed. And those hands are productive only if they have jobs. The reality is that a large amount of resources—food, energy, housing, education, etc.—are having to be spent on subsidizing the basic needs of hundreds of millions of people. Urgent government intervention is being required in many regions for basic services such as food and drinking water, land reforms, housing, education, power and fuel, infrastructure, farming, industries, employment, and public health. The larger the population, the greater this burden and the more it drags down global competitiveness. The rate at which new jobs must be created to control unemployment is greater than the economy can genuinely produce. To meet the demand for new jobs, the underlying economy would need to grow at a much faster pace, and consistently rather than in spurts.

To make matters even worse, large-scale migrations from Bangladesh and Nepal are adding to India’s population. These migrants are mostly extremely poor and uneducated, becoming liabilities on India’s economy and infrastructure. Unplanned rapid urbanization is causing heavy congestion in the cities. In 1975, 20% of the population lived in urban areas; by 2030 this figure will rise to 40%. The need for urban infrastructure and facilities is skyrocketing even as overurbanization increases congestion, pollution, and demand for public services. Clearly, India faces huge challenges in balancing the asymmetries between population, resources, and technology.

The implication of all this is that India’s exceptionally large population is an albatross that will amplify the challenges of AI. India is neither nimble enough, nor adequately prepared, to navigate through the rapidly changing technological landscape. If, hypothetically, India had only a fraction of its population, it could advance with the use of modern technology. In reality, too many people are chasing too few resources.

Uneducated and Unemployable (pp. 299)

Even after decades of Independence, a large portion of India’s population is uneducated. Enrollment is slightly above 50% in higher secondary schools, and only 25% at the university level. Half the children in grade five cannot read a grade two text, and less than 30% in grade three are able to do even basic subtraction. Women have a lower participation rate than men; the middle level of education among women is almost completely missing. Only 30% of Indians have a secondary school education, designated for ages fourteen-eighteen. About 66% of the workforce has only an eighth-grade education. Only a tiny portion of workers have any kind of formal vocational training.

Because of the abysmally pathetic education standard, too many Indians are deficient in rudimentary knowledge, reading skills, and learning habits and suffer from short attention spans—a characteristic that makes them gullible and inclined to chase emotional sensations and experiences rather than pursue knowledge. Even those who have formal school certificates often lack job skills and are deficient in analytical competence.

…… The sad truth is that most Indians, particularly the youth, are poorly educated by world standards and a large percentage are unemployable. Mediocre education and lack of training make Indians especially vulnerable to AI’s inevitable disruption in the fiercely competitive global labor market. Yet, discussion of these shortcomings is considered politically incorrect. India has recently introduced a new education policy which shows the authorities are aware of the problem. But it requires a detailed evaluation before one could pass judgment on its merits.

The silver lining behind all these grim facts is that surveys of Indian workers in the corporate sector indicate they are among the most enthusiastic in the world about wanting to learn and use digital technologies. Most of them want careers that offer both formal training and on-the-job training. They are even willing to have their work habits monitored by surveillance systems. However, very few in the workforce have been educated in India’s elite institutions and these brightest and best employees quickly get picked up for lucrative jobs with large multinationals, which are in effect buying off the cream of India’s youth whose education was paid from public funding. The vast majority of youth are left behind because of India’s abysmal investment in primary and secondary school education.

India Is For Sale (pp. 303)

There is a risk that India is already well on its way toward digital colonization; its strategy on AI is not even an effective defense, much less a plan for a leadership role in the AI epoch. Yet Indian intellectuals fail to address the issue with enough seriousness. In fact, some well-meaning persons have advised me to avoid writing on this topic because it might upset the fragile psychological equilibrium of many Indians.

Most leaders are fully aware that India has big data unique to its immense diversity of genetics, culture, and natural resources. However, most of India’s big data assets are sitting in raw unorganized form and not integrated; disconnected ministries have jurisdictions over the silos. Such fragmented data is sometimes being siphoned off by foreign entities that understand its value more than the Indian authorities do. These national assets should not be given away by foolish officials and politicians.

….. Indians, both in their individual capacity and as officials running institutions, are supplying precious data to train foreign AI systems, and these models are used to understand and engage the Indian mindset in a variety of situations either openly or secretly.

Artificial Intelligence systems have been processing immense amounts of raw data to develop psychological profiles for various segments of the Indian population. Machine learning systems are figuring out Indians’ most intense desires that can be used to get them hooked. These systems analyze what various users like and dislike, their habits, strengths and vulnerabilities, key relationships, shopping interests, ideological leanings, affiliations, and so forth. Facebook, Twitter, and Google know more about Indians than social scientists, government, gurus, or even the people themselves. This gives them the power to influence the public.

Indians are addicted to the foreign digital ecosystem and depend on it to communicate among themselves and to transact critical services across all sectors of society. Foreign social media platforms choose which individuals and messages will go viral, and hence control the image, career, and social profile of Indians. They undermine the traditional sources of authority, replacing them with algorithms. In the name of fairness and the public interest, they censor and manipulate users by injecting their own ideological premises in the social discourse. Every time there is a public controversy or scandal, these US companies take sides under the pretext of social responsibility. This is exactly the rationale the British colonizers gave for their meddling and divide-and-rule policies. This is social engineering in the digital age.

If a digital platform company champions specific values (which are invariably based on its civilizational ethos), whatever those values might be, it cannot be considered neutral. Moreover, despite what digital giants claim about championing diversity, their core strategy depends on getting people to think and act the way they and their advertisers want. The business models are based on psychologically influencing people’s thinking rather than encouraging independent thinking.

One is reminded of the eighteenth-century Indian elites that collaborated with the British, exposing Indian culture’s weak links and helping them map the country’s vulnerabilities. The British colonizers gave birth to Indology to study Indians, build psychological models of individual and social behavior, and establish policies for dealing with different segments of society. In today’s jargon we could say that Indology served the purpose of surveillance to compile big data and build models. After the Second World War (1939–45), this role was passed on to the US, which started the academic discipline of South Asia Studies and took the social-psychological mapping exercise to new heights. The new digital technologies are the latest evolution in this enterprise.

Google-Devata (pp. 320)

In many ways, Google is even more predatory than Facebook in its secret exploitation of data belonging to others. In fact, Google’s leaders have been explicit about their grandiose ambitions of reshaping the world order, and their strategy to achieve this is to control all the data they possibly can about your whole life. When asked to define what Google’s core business is, co-founder Larry Page said it is,

“personal information … The places you’ve seen. Communications … Sensors are really cheap … Storage is cheap. Cameras are cheap. People will generate enormous amounts of data … Everything you’ve ever heard or seen or experienced will become searchable. Your whole life will be searchable.” (Edwards, I’m Feeling Lucky, pp. 291)

As part of its Google collaboration, Reliance Jio bragged that it will make 5G phones built on “made-for-India” Android operating system. It will “join hands with tech giant Google to build an Android-based smartphone operating system”. The key issue is simply ignored in the announcement: whether Jio would control the source code, not only of the Indian adaptation of the operating system but also of the main Android system. This is needed to prevent becoming dependent on something critical controlled by the foreign party. The Indian adaptation will need to keep up with the frequent enhancements in the main Android, and this would require having the source code and proficiency in its use. Otherwise, the Indian version would soon be obsolete. It seems like a deal that fixes Jio’s dependency status long-term.

The saddest part of this is that India’s high-profile thought leaders and social media activists have not come to the mat to wrestle with these complex issues. There should have been public hearings or government hearings like in the US and EU to cross-examine the tech giants. If nothing else, it would have shown a spine and backbone on India’s part. If India is for sale, at least it should not be sold off so cheap!

When Artificial Intelligence is discussed, Indian leaders often lack the knowledge and insight to grasp its seriousness. Some people are mesmerized by the romantic vision of robots with American accents at their gatherings. I am shocked by the incompetence of many speakers at literary festivals, think tanks, conclaves, and the media in general. They seem focused on arousing public emotions with the latest scandals, gossip about celebrities, and other shortsighted outbursts. The looming tragedy, though, is that India’s youth are unlikely to achieve their aspirations because their future has been compromised.

The lack of serious Indian opposition and scrutiny of the foreign tech giants is appalling and raises suspicions of the secret inroads they have made. Contrary to this, Google and Facebook, in particular, face escalating legal, political, and public relations fights in the West. US Congressmen have held hearings in which they have accused Google of stealing content from Americans. And the Australian and EU governments are cracking down against the US tech giants as well. But Indians feel proud of being included in this new world order and unconcerned about the subordinate place it is being assigned to.

Vedic Social Science (pp. 324)

…… The collective consciousness of Indians and the outlook of modern institutions ought to be shaped by indigenous worldviews. The guiding principles should be traditionally integrated and unified, while remaining flexible and relevant for current times. However, little serious work has been done to adapt and apply aspects of the traditional teachings to today’s policymaking.

This is relevant to AI because as discussed in Chapter 4, AI platforms are culturally biased and not neutral. Machine learning systems have certain implicit or explicit values, norms, and ideals that serve as the target for training the algorithms. Artificial Intelligence is a force multiplier that strengthens whatever values and policies are embedded within it, whether visible or not. The ideology to be implicitly embedded in the AI-based models is defined by whosoever controls the models—currently it tends to be driven by worldviews based in the US or China. The US digital giants incorporate an American set of social-political premises cherished by their elite owners; in China the government supplies the narrative.

India has missed a key opportunity to develop an Indian grand narrative that could serve as the substratum for its own AI platforms. Such a narrative would enhance the shared identity across the population and help Indian society coalesce and function under a common value system. Unfortunately, the exact opposite is happening. India’s elites have adopted digital platforms from US and Chinese companies, subjecting its public to foreign influences that do not align with Indian values and customs.

….. Today’s Indian society is tamasic (laden with lethargy and toxicity) because artha and kama have become disconnected from dharma. This problem is not with the Vedic social system, but with contemporary society. The shift from Vedic to Western social theories has made Indian society vulnerable because its people are lost between the two worlds.

The AI systems proliferating today are intended to attract and influence people that have abandoned dharma and lost their moorings. The machine learning systems of American digital platforms are using big data to build the personal profiles of people’s kama and artha weaknesses on an unprecedented scale. Each individual and group is meticulously tracked and modeled as a portfolio of predispositions that can be targeted, influenced, and manipulated. By stroking their personalities and weaknesses, AI systems easily sway people with external stimuli for commercial and political purposes.

In contrast, people anchored in dharma have a more cultivated conscience, a deeper and more vibrant awareness of the consequences of their actions, and they are less likely to be swayed by kama–artha-based temptations.

Lapse of Kshatriyata

A psychologically resilient society requires the traditional quality of kshatriyata (the attributes of a kshatriya), which is leadership with valor and a willingness to sacrifice for a higher cause. It requires courage, but also strategic thinking, astuteness, and perspicacity. Kshatriyas are in control outside their comfort zone and face opponents head-on. Encounters in the kurukshetra are useful for kshatriya training just like big data is needed for machine learning.

Kshatriyata is often confused with activism. In fact, one reason for the lack of kshatriyata today is that social media activism is a quick and easy path bypassing the required rigor and training. Low-caliber activists resort to internet brawls and mudslinging; winning inconsequential internet battles assumes far too much importance and sucks up considerable energy. Living the social media romance of heroism by winning virtual dogfights has become a popular form of entertainment. All such pursuits are counter to kshatriyata.

….. Today’s armchair activists have precious little experience fighting in the kurukshetra but are becoming popular by pontificating from digital platforms, keeping well within their comfort zones in the company of like-minded people.

The present crisis of kshatriyata came about as a result of India’s prolonged history of oppressive foreign rule. To survive brutal rulers, people improvised jugaad methods for personal success, and the collective good of their communities took a back seat. Assertive leaders were eliminated by the invaders, as when the brave Sikh gurus were tortured and killed by Muslim rulers. Under British rule, those who cooperated were rewarded for their capitulation as in the case of zamindars (Indian landowners appointed by the British) and babus (Indians serving in administrative positions helping British rule). Survival required playing it safe and not taking risks.

Identity Vacuum (pp. 338)

…..The Vedic ideal is rooted in the ancient nation called Bharat. The new Westernized society of Indian elites can be called the Sensex nation, because this section of society is guided by the values of large corporations measured on the Sensex stock market index. There is a clash between the narratives of Bharat and Sensex—not because dharma is against commercial success but because the Sensex nation pursues the maximization of artha and kama detached from a dharmic substrate.

Western consumerism is now fully entrenched in India’s culture, especially among the young and urban population. Indians have visibly been influenced by Western values such as instant gratification and the use of credit to live beyond their means, which were once decried in Indian society. Unlike prior generations when people were expected to work hard to earn and fulfill their basic needs, the youth today have assumed a grand sense of entitlement to have their desires satisfied. The youth are drawn toward leaders who dish out platitudes to make them feel good without demanding perseverance and rigor.

As long as India chases Westernization, it cannot claim to be the vishvaguru in a Vedic sense. The destruction of traditional sources of authority, texts, and reference points creates a vacuum in Indians’ self-image, giving digital platforms an opportunity to insert their own principles.

Aspirations and Fantasy (pp. 344)

Indians are prone to make-believe realities of the kind provided by the film industry, cricket, song and dance, fantasy, hero worship, and other escapes from reality. These serve as emotional doorways into people’s hearts. In the past these fantasy worlds were rooted in Indian narratives such as those found in itihasa (narratives of the past), but now the narratives of Disney, American cowboys, and foreign designer brands have popularized alien tropes, heroes, and values.

This hotchpotch popular culture is becoming incorporated into virtual realities using artificial/digital heroes and villains, fake news, inducements, and sensory gratifications. As noted earlier, Indians commonly abrogate their responsibility and agency to gurus, parents, and public icons, making them vulnerable to AI systems that promise paternal comfort and instant gratification without any effort.

….. Especially dangerous is the rising aspirations of Indian youth to unrealistic levels; this is being fed by the popular rhetoric that India is a superpower. This is a dangerous cocktail: overemotional, overconfident, aggressive, and marginally educated people with a false sense of entitlement demanding instant gratification. Artificial Intelligence-based systems can manipulate the masses whose aspirations far exceed what they can achieve through legitimate means. The gap between aspirations and reality could turn into a tinderbox of social unrest.

The fantasy of having a Western identity is an emotional high ground. Even those who claim to oppose the mimicry of Westerners often chase Western accolades. Recently, some Westerners have become instant icons on Indian social media merely by restating some obvious points; they take advantage of the fact that Indians who suffer from an inferiority complex feel proud when a White person pats their back.

….. While the anglicized Indian youth in big cities mimic American popular culture, the youth in rural areas aspire to be like their urban peers. In short, urban youth are wannabe Westerners, and rural youth are wannabe Indian urbanites. Migrant workers share stories of their lives in the city with their friends and family back in the villages. In pre-internet times, such influence moved slower but today it travels at the speed of light. Fashion trends zip through multiple layers of society, especially among the youth. Therefore, it is a false assumption that rural Indians with a low-income lifestyle can withstand economic shocks. The trickle-down effect has raised aspirations of all strata of society.

The digital equivalent to becoming Americanized is to participate on American platforms and have one’s private data included in the big data—giving one the feeling of having arrived on the world stage. Indians have given up too much agency to these foreign platforms and the captains of society are complicit.

Artificial Intelligence And Breaking India Forces (pp. 349)

….. Indians who celebrate the use of digital technology do not realize that the platforms are controlled by foreign giants whose global clout compares to the East India Company. Ironically, the very same activists in India who wave the flag of decolonization are competing for blessings from Twitter, Facebook, and Google.

Through AI-enabled networks, people can be managed as obedient and happy consumers encouraged to follow guidelines and advice designed especially for them. They can also be made rebellious, angry, and mobilized for violence. Artificial Intelligence-based algorithms can play one Indian against another, promote one ideology over another, and monetize these divisions and disruptions for the benefit of clients. Social media can sway voting patterns and even incite mobs to violence. Hundreds of millions of unsuspecting Indians have helped US and Chinese tech giants accumulate a treasure trove of big data on India by using Chinese hardware and American digital platforms.

A big risk India faces is that the breaking India forces are being trained to use AI-empowered interventions to play havoc in Indian society. Such a scenario is imminent because factions like evangelists, Islamists, and Maoists are internationally well connected and their foreign sponsors are savvy about the use of the latest digital weapons for mass psychological manipulation. They are also insulated because they are operating from extrajudicial nexuses located abroad.

Artificial Intelligence is a force multiplier that can be used to undermine the unity of the rashtra, of political parties, and of communities by encouraging the flareups of fragments. Deep learning of individual behavior can be combined with fake news to manipulate psychology and public opinion. This has serious national security implications. For example, a foreign intelligence agency could compromise Indian leaders with sexual or financial blackmail. It is a fair assumption that many Indian leaders across the ideological spectrum are already vulnerable to subtle blackmail by the US and China. The private information stored in big data and machine learning models provide foreign countries and companies with the ability to compromise people at many levels—emotional, professional, and even legal.

Despite all these risks, Indians are not overly worried that foreign digital platforms will end up having too much emotional control over hundreds of millions of people. Artificial Intelligence is barely understood by India’s social scientists, government officials, legal experts, and education leaders. Ironically, India’s public intellectuals—social media celebrities, the blaring mainstream media voices, and political debaters—are heavily invested in supporting the digital media platforms that are recolonizing India. They build their popularity and boast their identities sitting on foreign platforms that are a fake foundation whose strings are being pulled from faraway places.

The China Threat (pp. 353)

Another factor in stress testing the robustness of India’s sovereignty is that it is situated in one of the most hostile neighborhoods in the world and the threats to its physical security are worsening. In addition, a lot of manpower resources are spent on anti-insurgency operations within India. A considerable part of the defense budget is, unfortunately, required to be spent on personnel salaries. Therefore, the research and development of advanced weapons cannot compete with China and the US that invest large budgets on advanced technologies for defense.

It is important to understand the depth and breadth of China’s threat. The Chinese have demonstrated their ability to think long-term for nation-building and protecting the Han cultural and historical identity. Their goal is to surpass the West in every domain using AI as one of the primary strategic technologies.

….. The Chinese own a majority share of the smartphone market in India. India has recently banned several Chinese apps because they solicit unnecessary access to camera and microphones on the smartphones and collect large amounts of personal data including location, profession, friends’ identities and interests, and personal photographs. However, deactivation of a user’s account does not result in the old data being returned to the user or being deleted from the server. This ban is good, but it is defensive and reactive to a border conflict. It is not by itself a strategy to jump ahead in AI research.

….. India cannot afford further delay in coming to terms with the fact that the control of most big data and deep learning is effectively in the hands of companies based in the US or China. Americans primarily own the software algorithms, databases, and operating platforms; the hardware is mostly Chinese. India is at the mercy of their technologies. And the foreign owners of the AI technology and digital platforms have no legal accountability in India, nor do they have the interest of Indians at heart to the same extent as their vested interests in their home countries.

Artificial Intelligence And Unifying India Possibilities (pp. 359)

Indian activists should cease the tamasha of bombastic claims that India is on the verge of becoming a superpower on par with the US and China, and even forging ahead of them. Instead, serious thinkers should plan and implement how AI could be used in positive ways to tighten the grip on volatile situations. The widespread use of law enforcement, and propagation of the grand narrative could make AI a force for national stability.

….. As machines become smarter and humans become ever more dependent on them, a shift in the power structure is inevitable. A few powerful elites control the digital systems and these systems, in turn, will increasingly control the masses. Artificial Intelligence-based systems implicitly incorporate the values and ideologies about justice and human rights that are aligned with their developers. The ideological, emotional, and aesthetic control of this mental infrastructure is presently in foreign hands. China, on the other hand, developed its own digital platforms. From the beginning of this digital revolution, China has kept out the foreign influences. India, on the other hand, continues to invite foreign intrusions to penetrate at deeper and deeper levels. The price the country will pay for this will be heavy.

I am convinced that decolonizing AI is an absolute necessity for India to be a viable nation.

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Eight Myths to be Challenged

For most Hindus today, the legacy of Swami Vivekananda is assured. It is an article of faith that he was a great leader who influenced many others and inspired the practice of Hinduism over the past century. He is remembered as a visionary who expanded our understanding of the Hindu tradition by putting it on the world stage and making it relevant to his time.

It would surprise many of us, then, to know that an opposite view of this legacy is entrenched in academic circles, and that it is fast becoming the default interpretation among public intellectuals. As mentioned in the Introduction, this thesis brands Vivekananda’s movement as ‘neo-Hinduism’ where ‘neo’ implies something phoney. It is troubling to see the acceptance, in many important circles, of the specious theory that his formulation of Hinduism was utterly decoupled from ‘traditional’ Hinduism. In fact, even many naïve and unsuspecting followers of Vivekananda believe a version of it. This is an epidemic of which most Hindus are unaware.

The thesis blames the prominent leaders of contemporary Hinduism for duping the Indian public. The accused conspirators include: Ram Mohan Roy (1772-1833); Swami Vivekananda (1863-1902); Balgangadhar Tilak (1856-1920); Mohandas Gandhi (1869-1948); Rabindranath Tagore (1861-1941); Vinoba Bhave (1895-1982); Sri Aurobindo (1872-1950); and Sarvepalli Radhakrishnan (1888-1975).

This book will show that the branding of contemporary Hinduism as a faux ‘neo-Hinduism’ is a gross mischaracterization of both traditional and contemporary Hinduism. I will use the term ‘contemporary Hinduism’ in a positive sense, and distinct from the dismissive ‘neo-Hinduism’, and show that contemporary Hinduism is a continuation of a dynamic tradition. It is not in any way less authentic or less ‘Hindu’ than what may be dubbed traditional Hinduism. There are negative connotations to the term ‘neo’ which imply something artificial, untrue, or unfaithful to the original. Other world religions have undergone similar adaptations in modern times, though there are no such references to ‘neo-Christianity’, for instance. I resist the wide currency being gained for the term ‘neo-Hinduism’, because this fictional divide between ‘neo’ and ‘original’ Hinduism subverts Hinduism.

Chapter 8 will draw on ancient Sanskrit sources and historical documents to show a continuing tradition that was alive and well during the twelfth to seventeenth centuries CE. This shows that there are historic precedents within the framework of the tradition for the kind of change that contemporary Hinduism is bringing about.

I will now summarize the basic assumptions or myths underlying the theory of ‘neo-Hinduism’, with a brief response to each. These responses are elaborated in later chapters.

Myth 1: India’s optimum state is Balkanization

One of the most dangerous assertions being made is that India’s natural state is one of balkanization. In other words, before colonialism, it was never unified. Those who hold this view believe India should be returned to that pre-colonial state by disempowering Hinduism (because it is considered to be a unifying force that benefits only the elites), and by empowering the forces of fragmentation. Richard King illustrates this view, insisting explicitly that ‘it makes no sense to talk of an Indian nation’.

Such a discourse on the fragmentation of India has been used to stir up internal divisiveness and conflict—ironically, in the name of human rights. (Breaking India shows how this has come about, along with its political ramifications.)

Theories of the coherence of India and its civilization are dismissed by alleging that such claims necessarily imply an imposition of homogeneity and hegemony. As a corollary, there is the conclusion that Indians ought to simply deny any unified positive identity based on their own past, and instead seek a common identity based on the further importation of modern Western principles of society and politics. Those few individuals who dare articulate Indian coherence are therefore characterized as dangerous and accused of fascism, identity politics, fundamentalism, and links to atrocities.

This myth will be discussed in detail in Chapter 7, where we will see that it is based on a misconception about the nature of pre-colonial India. This misconception denies India’s cultural unity based on the dharmic traditions.

Myth 2: Colonial Indology’s biases were turned into Hinduism

It is generally true that prejudiced colonial Indologists constructed Hinduism in a way that fit their own agendas. These agendas included Christian missionary attempts to depict the heathens as so lowly and uncivilized that they required evangelization. There was also the imposition, by colonial governments, of a uniform method of rule that would make the population easy to control. I also accept that many Europeans laboured hard to recover Sanskrit texts, did important philological work, and struggled to understand Hindu traditions, even if only through their own lenses.

However, I disagree with the charge that Indian leaders took their cues exclusively from the West in reclaiming their textual traditions, and that they reinterpreted these texts in line with Western ideas. To assume Indians passively read their own texts under the tutelage of Europeans, without any sense of their traditional meanings, is tendentious and untrue.

Being open to influence from others does not render a culture ‘inauthentic’. Hinduism has always insisted that the way its traditions are interpreted and practised are a product of place, time and custom. If the truths are expressed in a way that is Western in form for the sake of wider communication, it does not make the substance of it any less Hindu.

Myth 3: Hinduism was manufactured and did not grow organically

The overarching charge made by proponents of the neo-Hinduism thesis is that contemporary Hindu leaders, particularly Vivekananda, Gandhi and Aurobindo, invented wholesale a new religion which we call Hinduism, using purely Western ingredients in order to promote a particular political agenda and a ‘macho’ national identity. Since Vivekananda heralds the modern revival of India’s spirituality, many intellectuals target him as the creator of a synthetic and artificial new religion called Hinduism.

This characterization reveals a serious misunderstanding of Indian culture. Since the earliest times, prominent Hindus have disagreed among themselves, and their ideas were not static or frozen; new ideas were constantly introduced to challenge old ones. This process of change and adaptation has not stopped, nor should it. Hence, Vivekananda ought to be seen as a new thinker updating the tradition for modern times, not as someone fabricating something insidious or inauthentic. He was continuing the ancient tradition of innovation, while profoundly immersed in his own tradition. Yet he was receptive to Western influence, demonstrating a broadmindedness that is intrinsic to Hinduism.

Vivekananda and his heirs did articulate Hinduism in a new way, using the English language in a European idiom. They also emphasized (perhaps more than previously) action and social responsibility, and engaged explicitly with science. But these ideas were deeply rooted even in pre-colonial Hinduism. They were part of a natural and organic development through which Hinduism has stayed relevant, not unlike the changes that the traditional religions of Europe underwent on multiple occasions. Indeed, the modernization of Hinduism has occurred with less violence and distortion than similar movements in modern Christianity in Europe, as discussed in Being Different.

Vivekananda’s understanding of Vedanta amalgamated teachings from various Hindu traditions. His reinterpretation of four intertwined pathways of yoga to attain moksha—jnana yoga (knowledge), raja yoga (meditation), karma yoga (selfless service) and bhakti yoga (devotion) —has an antecedent in Vijnanabhikshu, a prominent Indian thinker who lived long before the colonial period. This contradicts the myth that he copied Western ideas and that these ideas were absent in pre-colonial Hinduism.

Since many Indian trains of thought have always co-existed, there is no reason for tradition and modernity to fight each other. The very notion that there are mutually conflicting stages of tradition, modern and post-modern, is a Eurocentric one. These ‘stages’ refer to the way things progressed in Western history, but this cannot be extrapolated as universal. Indeed, dharma includes within it the attitudes that are considered to belong to tradition, modern and post-modern, all in parallel, and not necessarily in mutual contradiction.

Myth 4: Yogic experience is not a valid path to enlightenment and tries to copy Western science

One of the controversies at the heart of the debate has to do with the status of yogic anubhava, the direct experience of higher states of consciousness attained in meditation. Such meditation practices are part of what is referred to as adhyatma-vidya, or ‘inner science’. Exalted experiences are at the foundation of classical Indian texts and are emphasized anew in contemporary Hinduism.

Many cutting-edge Western cognitive scientific research programmes today have evolved under the profound influence of dharmic traditions, and such practices are referred to as first-person empiricism by neuroscientists. To call into question the authenticity of such practices, or to set them aside as inferior to the authority of scripture, would deprive Hindus of one of their most valuable assets and eliminate a unique aspect of their tradition, i.e., its profound investment in adhyatma-vidya. Chapter 11 elaborates on this correlation between cognitive science and dharmic traditions.

Unfortunately, the importance of direct experience in Hinduism is vigorously contested by members of the neo-Hinduism camp. They claim that authentic tradition, especially Advaita Vedanta, considers only the sruti (Vedic text) as the path to moksha (enlightenment); therefore, anubhava, or direct experience, cannot lead to moksha. They cite Shankara’s works (of the eighth century CE) to support their position. Since Vivekananda emphasized anubhava, he is accused of having violated this core tenet of classical Hinduism.

The dangerous implication of this position is that it makes Vedanta and yoga appear mutually incompatible, thereby undermining Hinduism’s unity. This is the main philosophical attack denying the existence of Hinduism as a coherent, unified and continuous system.

Vivekananda and other proponents of contemporary Hinduism say that although the sruti text is important, the goal is to attain the higher states of consciousness to which they point, not to reify the text into dogma. Whether one is more suited to textual study or to yogic practice depends on one’s temperament. Furthermore, there are deep linkages between textual study and yogic practice; they are to be practised in combination, not in isolation. Hinduism has room both for textual authority and direct experience. This openness is also present in Shankara, who is often wrongly depicted as a sort of bookworm fixated on texts.

Vivekananda’s approach revolved around a unified Vedanta-Yoga as spiritual praxis (anubhava) that is informed by Vedic precepts, insights, and authority (sruti). This is consistent with many earlier thinkers (such as Vijnanabhikshu, to be discussed in Chapter 8) who insist that one must not rely solely on sruti but also attain a direct experience of the truth which the practice of yoga can bring. A classical concept in Hinduism has been that a true proposition has to be consistent with sruti, yukti (reason/logic) and anubhava.

There are, indeed, well-known philosophical differences between Shankara and Vivekananda, but one should not read their works too narrowly. Such differences are the products of different ages with different needs for the revival of dharma. Vivekananda operated in the context of distinguishing Hinduism vis-à-vis the West whereas Shankara was operating in an environment dominated by Buddhism. These differences become acute only when seen through the singular goal of attaining moksha, whereas the discourse on Hinduism should not be limited merely to any approach for moksha.

Neo-Hinduism claims that the emphasis on yogic direct experience originated only as a result of appropriating Western science so as to make Hinduism seem scientific. Since science emphasizes empirical evidence, the closest thing to it which Hindus could claim was that mysticism was a form of empiricism. This incorrect interpretation of yoga’s long history of experiential exploration will be challenged in Chapter 11.

Myth 5: Western social ethics was incorporated as seva and karma yoga

The neo-Hinduism camp also insists that the emphasis on social responsibility and social action in the thought of Vivekananda, Gandhi and Aurobindo was imported from Christianity. While there has definitely been Western influence, this charge is overstated. Concepts such as seva and karma yoga were not absent from the prior tradition, even in the works of Shankara. Secondly, contemporary Hindus should not be discredited for rising to the challenge posed by social degradation under colonial rule.

Chapter 9 will show that, counter to the neo-Hinduism thesis, lokasangraha (service to others) and bhakti (devotional surrender) derive from ancient Hinduism, with roots going back to the Bhagavad-Gita and even earlier. Vivekananda translated ‘lokasangraha’ as ‘working for the good of others’ and called this ‘a very powerful idea’ in the modern context. The individual is encouraged to move away from selfish desires by using the notions of karma (action), bhakti (devotion) and jnana (knowledge). The application of these old ideas to new contexts does not amount to a discontinuity or contradiction.

There have been numerous examples of warrior ascetics in traditional India long before the arrival of the British, which goes to show that social activism is not a recent response to colonialism. The kind of Indian rule Vivekananda envisaged was in line with an unbroken chain that goes back to the classical texts of Arthashastra and Panchatantra. Chapter 9 will also show how Sahajanand Swami, free from any colonial influence, had created a large, vibrant community of sadhus who devoted their lives serving the public rather than withdrawing from society and living as recluses.

Myth 6: Hinduism had no prior self-definition, unity or coherence

Another common charge in the campaign to de-legitimize Hinduism is that it had no self-defined and conscious understanding of its own distinctiveness from other religions. The foundation of neo-Hinduism is said to have been built by distorting prior traditions, which themselves had no unity and were a mishmash of irreconcilable texts and local customs.

Since there is no central authority or ecclesiastical structure in Hinduism, no closed canon or ‘Bible’ of sacred texts, and since there are no ‘creeds’ to which members of the faith must subscribe, Westerners tend to denigrate it as random, fragmented, chaotic and without unity. Sociologists and anthropologists often focus on conflicts and oppression in modern Indian society, and project their findings onto ancient Hindu texts to show that incoherence has always been characteristic of India.

This view ignores the fact that besides top-down structures and reified codes of orthodoxy, there can be other modes of unity that are decentralized. The phenomenon known as Kumbha Mela illustrates this decentralization beautifully. No one organizes this mass pilgrimage; there is no governing body or official charter by any founder; there is no ‘event manager’ who sends out a programme; and there are no official creeds. Yet it is both perceptually and philosophically a ‘Hindu event’.

In Being Different, I argue that the Western notion of unity and coherence is based on an obsession for control, expansion and hegemony. Generally, the Western style of working is exemplified in the way a large multi-national corporation functions. Various institutional mechanisms are in place to standardize labour policies, internal procedures, products, sales channels, and so on. It’s no surprise the Roman Catholic Church was the world’s first major corporate multinational (and is still arguably the largest). It developed the first commercial multinationals, such as the Knights Templar. The East India Company borrowed the structures for systematic control and order from these Christian sources, and modern historians of corporations regard that company as the template for modern multinational governance.

But this central control represents only one kind of coherence. It is not the model on which Indian coherence is built. Being Different summarizes various Western imaginings of a ‘chaotic India’, and offers an Indian response by reversing the gaze, as it were, so that it is directed at the West’s fixation on normative ‘order’.

There are several aspects to Hinduism that are distorted when seen through the Western lens. For example, through the assumption of Hinduism’s lack of internal consistency and unity, such scholars, in effect, undermine any claim made on its behalf. Any attempt to speak of such an entity in positive terms is frequently debunked by asking, ‘To which “Hinduism” are you referring?’ Often this charge of incoherence goes beyond Hinduism, and serves as the basis for Myth 1, i.e., that India itself lacks any unity in the positive sense.

The characterization of Hinduism as incoherent serves to protect Western hegemony. The intellectual sophistication of Hinduism offers a vantage point from which the West’s assumed universalism can be strongly challenged. Since acknowledging such a stance would pose a grave threat to Western universalism and its place on a pedestal, it becomes important to undermine the legitimacy of Hinduism as a coherent position from which to gaze.

Brian Smith understands the dangers of the ‘chaotic Hinduism’ thesis and has analysed this kind of scholarship in detail. He notes that Hinduism is considered too disorganized and ‘exotically other’ or else too complex and ‘recondite’; this makes it hard to apply standard methods of analysis used in Western religious studies. He says this view has become ‘standard received wisdom’ today. As a result, the term ‘Hinduism’ ends up meaning nothing at all. Smith recognizes the absurdity here, though he does not speak of the full ramifications.

It is even fashionable now to put Hinduism within scare quotes. Scholars who might otherwise appreciate it often portray it as an exotic and unintelligible collection of peculiar practices and strange problems, reminiscent of primitive societies that were superseded by the West.

Many architects of the myth of neo-Hinduism also dismiss the unity of any earlier dharma. Richard King, for instance, outright rejects the fluid concept of dharma as a basis for future development. These scholars seem determined to resurrect some state of pre-modern tribalism or balkanization.

Myth 7: Hinduism is founded on oppression and sustained by it

It is fashionable to vilify Hinduism openly as a construct invented to serve regressive nationalistic and proto-fascist identity politics; it is accused of violating the rights of minorities, women and others. This attack is often mounted in the name of defending human rights.

Contemporary Hinduism shapes India just as the Western religious traditions shape America. And just as civilizations shaped by the Western religions can support and sustain a responsible and pluralistic society, so too can Hinduism (in several respects, even more naturally). As per the description of open architecture given in Chapter 11, dharmic culture has a strong foundation for absorbing multiple communities, metaphysical points of view, and new scientific developments than do the Abrahamic religions. This is so because dharma is not burdened by the imperative to reconcile itself with an absolute history; nor was dharma formulated under any centralized governance or adjudicating authority.

The neo-Hinduism thesis also demonizes Sanskrit as oppressive and fossilized, thus discarding centuries of cultural and philosophical development. The equivalent idea applied to the West would be to dismiss the entire corpus of Greek and Latin literature and philosophy for being corrupted by its elitism. Not only does the dismissal of Sanskrit rob India of a crucial resource; it deprives it of a sense of unity that pre-dates colonialism.

Myth 8: Hinduism presumes the sameness of all religions

While defending contemporary Hinduism, I do not treat every one of its tenets as sacrosanct. One of the aspects of which I am especially critical (and where I actually agree with my opponents in the neo-Hinduism camp) is the assertion by Vivekananda and his heirs that all religions are paths to the same goal. I am troubled by the tendency to see all religions as offering equivalent things in the hope of reconciling them in a kind of perennial philosophy. Being Different was written precisely for the purpose of arguing against this position. The Conclusion has a section specifically to give my rejoinder to the ‘sameness’ thesis.

Summary of both sides of the debate

The neo-Hinduism thesis is well-defined and consistently applied amongst the academics. Other, competing views are often not articulated, or are not articulated as effectively. Thus, in order to highlight the key tenets of neo-Hinduism and my responses, I shall focus on these two opposing poles in debate. My goal is not to force readers into an ‘either/or’ position, but to encourage more participants to enter the debate.

The table below summarizes, as sharply as possible, the differences between the neo-Hinduism thesis and my own understanding of contemporary Hinduism.

Neo-Hinduism—Opposing Thesis Contemporary Hinduism—My Thesis
Swami Vivekananda manufactured a new religion popularly called Hinduism, and other Indian nationalists such as Gandhi, Radhakrishnan, Rabindranath Tagore and Sri Aurobindo subsequently crystallized it. These thinkers evolved contemporary Hinduism using traditions as the base into which they assimilated new ideas, including Western ones. Similar changes occur in every religion.
Hinduism is discontinuous with past traditions, and hence is something ‘neo’ or inauthentic. Hinduism is continuous with past traditions, even though it changes and evolves just as it has done many times before.
The ‘inventors’ of this new religion of Hinduism allegedly suffered from a serious inferiority complex under British colonial rule. The neo-Hindus were concerned about the internal decay of Indian society and about the Christian missionary attacks against traditional Hinduism as otherworldly and elitist. This was true to some extent but the authenticity of Hinduism is not undermined regardless of the factors that modernized it.
Prior to colonialism, Indian traditions had no sense of unity. Intense conflict and mutual contradiction characterized the relationship between them. Indian nationalists, seeing the need for a united India to rise up against the British, fabricated the idea of unity. Despite the immense diversity across various Hindu groups, philosophies, paths, etc., there was already an overarching unity underneath. The terms ‘astika’ (insiders) and ‘nastika’ (outsiders) are old and dynamic, showing that notions of unity existed previously and were contested vibrantly.
Neo-Hinduism’s major ideas are imported from the West, and this influence is camouflaged by using Sanskrit words to express them. The major resources used for bringing about change come from within the tradition itself.
Shankara says the Vedas are required as pramana (means of knowing) because one cannot know Brahman like an object, making anubhava (personal experience) incapable of facilitating enlightenment. Direct experience can also be unreliable. Vivekananda’s jealousy of Western science led him to re-imagine yoga as a science. The new emphasis on anubhava also created an artificial harmony between Vedanta and yoga to overcome what had earlier been a conflict between them. Adhyatma-vidya has been an ancient science that utilizes each person’s own human potential beyond ordinary mental states. Hence Vivekananda’s emphasis on anubhava continues the tradition of the rishis’ direct experiences as empirical evidence. Vedas as pramanas are not sidelined but supplemented by direct experience.
Christian ideals of helping society and Western secular theories of social ethics inspired Indian nationalists to appropriate them; karma yoga was used merely as a garb to make this plagiarized idea look Hindu. Social activism and ethics have been enshrined in the tradition of karma yoga, and this has been modernized to keep up with the times. The Vedas offer a basis for ethical principles that transforms the psychology of the individual.
The Bhagavad-Gita was not a central text until Western Indologists made it important, leading neo-Hindus to adopt it as their focal text. The Bhagavad-Gita was a primary text long before European colonialism. Every major Hindu thinker (including Shankara, Ramanuja, and Madhava) wrote extensive commentaries on it.
Hinduism is inherently oppressive of minorities such as Muslims, Christians, Dalits and women. It forces others into its own homogeneity for gaining political control. Hindutva is its latest incarnation and its goal has been to impose homogeneity. Contemporary Hinduism renews the coherence and unity of diverse Indian traditions. It does not harm their diversity, and has, in fact, the most open architecture among the main faiths of the world. Its lack of historical absolutes (in the sense of the Abrahamic religions) accounts for these extraordinary qualities.
Hinduism is a dangerous conspiracy that is being spread worldwide by duping naïve Westerners into thinking that it is a genuine tradition of peace and equality, which it is not. Contemporary Hinduism can be a great gift to humanity because of its practical and theoretical resources and its promotion of harmony among diverse views and practices.

It is clear from the above table that the two views of Hinduism are diametrically opposed. The clash is not trivial. The assumptions of neo-Hinduism dominate the academia and in large sections of Indian education, media, public policymaking, and popular discourse. Ironically, many Hindu gurus, in embracing a global audience, have adopted this posture as well. This book will show how the definition of neo-Hinduism has been contrived and how it has gained authenticity, in part because it suits certain academic and political agendas, and in part because it has been reiterated extensively without adequate critical response.

I do not wish to discourage criticisms of Hinduism or of any of its leaders. But I do object to the way Vivekananda has been made to look captive to Western models and to the denial of the internal coherence and agency in Hinduism. The attempt to discredit and delegitimize Hinduism and do away with any notion of unity pre-dating colonialism is mischievous. There is a deplorable tone of disparagement, denigration, and sometimes outright contempt toward the spiritual leadership of such figures as Vivekananda, Tagore, Aurobindo and Gandhi.

What, may I ask, is wrong with trying to modernize a traditional faith in light of contemporary and emerging understandings of the world? Why is such a project okay when undertaken in other parts of the world, for example by the Catholic Church in Vatican II, and not okay when undertaken by proponents of Hinduism? And why is it wrong to strive to establish and foster a spiritual basis for the Indian polity now? Why is it assumed that fragmentation of this polity is both an established fact and a good thing?

Far from starting any regressive discourse, Vivekananda was engaged in a natural process of renewal and expansion. He revised an existing tradition by fusing yogic practice, Vedanta, and the best of Western science and humanism. Historically such changes have been achieved organically from within Hinduism and its enduring repertoire of principles and practices.

The next few chapters will detail the individual arguments of the important academics—Paul Hacker, Agehananda Bharati, Ursula King and Anantanand Rambachan—and then discuss their influence on the discourse today.

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Why This Book

Each of my books tries to provoke a new kind of conversation, the goal of which is to confront some specific prejudice against Indian civilization. Established biases covering a wide range of issues need to be exposed, especially when they are unsubstantiated. The objective of every book of mine is to pick a particular dominant narrative which is sustained by a nexus of scholars specializing in that theme, and then target it to effectively subvert it. The success of any such book may be measured in terms of how much challenge it generates against the incumbent positions. If my counter-discourse can become established in the minds of a sufficient number of serious thinkers, then it will assume a life of its own and its effects will continue to snowball without my direct involvement. This is the end result I seek. To be effective, a book must resist straying from its strategic priorities and must avoid arguing too broadly.

For example, I developed the strategy, overall thesis, and much of the content of Invading the Sacred so as to take aim at the Freudian psychoanalytical critiques of Hinduism. This hegemonic discourse was being propagated by a powerful nexus in the heart of the Western academia, and had spread as a fad among Indian intellectuals. Invading the Sacred gave birth to, and incubated, a solid opposition which cannot be ignored today. It spurred the Indian diaspora to recognize the syndrome and audaciously ‘talk back’ to the establishment of scholars.

My subsequent book, Breaking India, focused on demonstrating how external forces are trying to destabilize India by deliberately undermining its civilization. Such efforts are targeted at confusing and ultimately aborting any collective positive identity based on Indian civilization. The book exposed the foreign interests and their Indian sepoys who see Hinduism as a random juxtaposition of incoherent and fragmented traditions. Many watchdog movements have sprung into action because of that book. It has triggered a domino effect with other researchers now exposing more instances of the same syndrome.

My most recent book,  Being Different, presents a coherent and original view of dharma as a family of traditions that challenges the West’s claim of universalism. Because Western universalism is unfortunately being used as the template for mapping and defining all cultures, it is important to become conscious of its distorted interpretation of Indian traditions. Being Different is prompting many Indians to question various simplistic views concerning their traditions, including some that are commonly espoused by their own gurus and political leaders. It is a handbook for serious intellectuals on how to ‘take back’ Hinduism by understanding it on its own terms.

The present book exposes the influential narrative that Hinduism was fabricated during British rule and became a dangerous new religion. The central thesis which I seek to topple asserts that Swami Vivekananda plagiarized Western secular and Christian ideas and then recast them in Sanskrit terminology to claim Indian origins for them. Besides critiquing this nexus and defending Vivekananda’s vision, this book also presents my own vision for the future of Hinduism and its place in the world.

Hence, the book has two purposes: to defend the unity of Hinduism as we practise it today, and to offer my own ideas about how to advance Vivekananda’s ‘revolution’ to the next stage.

This volume introduces some new vocabulary. Readers will learn the metaphor of ‘Indra’s Net’ as a poetic expression of deep Hindu insights which subsequently became incorporated as the most central principle of Buddhism. They will understand Vivekananda’s system of ‘tat tvam asi ethics’ as an innovative social theory premised on seva (service to others), but firmly grounded in Vedic thought. They will also become familiar with the ‘neo-Hinduism camp’, which is my name for the group of scholars who have developed the thesis aimed at undermining Vivekananda’s innovations and de-legitimizing contemporary Hinduism.

The book introduces and explains such ideas as ‘open architecture’ and ‘toolbox’, which are critical to my insights on Hinduism. While openness has always been characteristic of Hindus, too much of a good thing can be dangerous. I argue that this very quality of openness has made Hinduism susceptible to becoming ‘digested’. Digestion, a concept introduced in my earlier books, is further elaborated in these pages.

In the Conclusion, I stick my neck out and introduce a set of defensive strategies for safeguarding against digestion. I call these strategies the ‘poison pill’ (borrowing from corporate jargon) and the ‘porcupine defence’. I hope this provocative proposition will trigger debate and controversy.

Some of the new vocabulary that was introduced in Being Different—such as ‘history centrism’, ‘integral unity’ and ‘embodied knowing’—will be further sharpened in these pages. I will also ascribe new meanings to the old Sanskrit terms astika and nastika, and utilize them differently than in the tradition.

As an author, I am often asked who my target audience is. This is not an easy question to answer. Clearly, I wish to influence mainstream Hindus who are often seriously misinformed about their own traditions. But if I were simply dishing out what they want to hear, appealing to their ‘feel-good’ sensibility, I would be doing them a disservice; I would also be failing in my goal to radically change the discourse. Bombastic books that present Hinduism in a chauvinistic manner are counter-productive and a recipe for disaster. My hope is to spur the genesis of what I call a ‘home team’ of intellectual leaders who would research, reposition and articulate Hinduism in a responsible way on important issues today. Therefore, my writings must be rigorous to withstand the scrutiny of harsh critics.

This means I must also write for the secular establishment and the old guard of Hindu leaders, both of whom will be provoked by this book for different reasons. The secularists will attack it as a defence of Hinduism which to them is synonymous with ‘communalism’. The Hindus with tunnel vision will complain that it deviates from their narrow, fossilized lineage boundaries. While trying to educate the mainstream readers in the middle, I also wish to debate both these extremes.

Let me confess up-front that I have made some compromises for practical reasons. For instance, I use the term ‘philosophy’ to refer not only to Western philosophy but also, at times, to Indian thought, even though the latter would more accurately be called darshana. In every book I like to introduce a small number of non-translatable Sanskrit terms which I attempt to explain deeper than merely providing a reductive English equivalent. This book contains several such non-translatables, but ‘darshana’ is not one of them. I use the word ‘philosophy’ even where ‘darshana’ would perhaps be more appropriate. I apologize for this pragmatic simplification because I do not wish to overload my reader.

The difference between philosophy and darshana is significant. Philosophy resides in the analytic realm, is entirely dis-embodied, and is an intellectual tool driven by the ego. Darshana includes philosophy but goes much further because it also includes embodied experience. Traditionally, Indian thought has been characterized by the interplay of intellectual analysis and sadhana (spiritual practice), with no barriers between the two. Hindu practices cultivate certain states of mind as preparation for receiving advanced knowledge. In other words, darshana includes anubhava (embodied experience) in addition to the study of texts and reasoning. The ordinary mind is an instrument of knowing, and its enhancement through meditation and other sadhana is seen as essential to achieving levels of knowledge higher than reasoning alone can provide. Western philosophy emphasizes reason to the exclusion of anubhava and thus consists essentially of the dis-embodied analysis of ‘mental objects’. Such a philosophy can never cross the boundary of dualism.

Another discomforting choice I make is to use the term ‘contemporary Hinduism’ to refer to Hinduism as we know it today. Hinduism is an ancient tradition that has been adapted many times, most recently for the present era. In the context of this book, the term simply denotes a new variation of something that is not exactly the same as it was previously. The very existence of smritis—texts that are written and rewritten to fit the context of each specific period and place—indicates that our tradition has never been frozen in time. It has evolved in step with the needs and challenges of each era.

My choice of this term, then, is intended to make the mainstream ‘contemporary Hindu’ readers comfortable. By the end of the book, I hope to have convinced readers that Hinduism cannot be pigeon-holed into tradition, modern and post-modern straitjackets in the way the West sees itself, because Hinduism has always been all three of these simultaneously and without contradiction.

The book focuses on toppling a specific, well-entrenched line of discourse that tries to isolate tradition in order to create conflicts and contradictions. My challenge is to help general readers undergo some serious mental shifts. Accordingly, I prefer not to overburden them by introducing too many unfamiliar terms. My hope is that most of my readers will be comfortable with such terms as ‘philosophy’ and ‘contemporary Hinduism’, and not be bothered that some theoreticians might find them problematic.

Additionally, in the interest of reader friendliness, an editorial decision was made to avoid using diacritic marks for Sanskrit pronunciation. Most Sanskrit terms are being italicized when they appear for the first time, and this may be repeated in some situations. A Sanskrit term will often be accompanied by a brief phrase in parentheses, giving its approximate meaning in English. Many Sanskrit terms are spelled in more than one way depending on the source— for instance, ‘Shankara’ is also spelled as ‘Sankara’. Vivekananda is frequently mentioned without the ‘Swami’ title. I anticipate purists in Indian scholarship to raise issues with some of these compromises. But, as explained at the very beginning, I must pick my battles carefully and in a focused way, and this means making practical accommodations.

Summary of the major propositions and arguments in the book:

The following is a list of major propositions being explained and argued in this book. I furnish this list so the reader knows what to expect and can target his or her reading better:

    1.  The openness of Hinduism: The metaphors of ‘Indra’s Net’, ‘open architecture’, and ‘toolbox’ are among the devices I use to explain that Hinduism is inherently an open system and that its unity and continuity are different from that which is found in the Abrahamic religions. The Introduction, Chapter 11 and Conclusion explain the concepts behind these metaphors. I also explain how the Vedic metaphor of Indra’s Net has travelled into the very heart of Buddhist philosophy, and from there into contemporary Western thought and culture. Hindu and Buddhist dharma is the art of surfing Indra’s Net.
    2. The ‘neo-Hinduism’ allegation against contemporary Hinduism: I strongly oppose the work of a prominent school of thought which claims that contemporary Hinduism, as we know it, is artificial and Western-generated, and that it was constructed and perpetrated by Swami Vivekananda for political motives. Chapters 1 through 7 explain the details of this subversive thesis (called the ‘neo-Hinduism’ thesis), the backgrounds of its main proponents, and the history of how it came about. All of this lays the groundwork for my rejoinder that follows.
    3. My defence of contemporary Hinduism: Not only are the charges against contemporary Hinduism refuted, point by point, in chapters 6, 8, 9, 10 and 11, but a countervailing view crystallizes, seeing contemporary Hinduism as unified, coherent and rooted in tradition. Chapter 6 explains the serious consequences of the ‘neo-Hinduism’ thesis in the form of popular literature and media biases in India.
    4. Digestion and fake liberalism: Many of the precious ideas and concepts in Hinduism have been systematically removed and placed in Western garb. Meanwhile, the original Hindu sources are allowed to atrophy and made to appear obsolete. Chapter 12 and the Conclusion articulate this syndrome with examples and discuss the existential danger this poses to Hinduism.
    5. The ‘porcupine defense’ and ‘poison pills’: With these I present my own strategy for safeguarding Hinduism from getting digested and thereby made to disappear. This defence entails the use of certain Hindu philosophical elements and practices which the predator cannot swallow without ceasing to exist in its current form. Such protective devices can help gurus free their Western followers from bondage to their religion of birth, such as claims to unique historical revelations, hyper-masculinized ideas of the divine, and institutionalized dogmatic beliefs. This is explained in the Conclusion.
    6. The future of astika and nastika: Using these age-old Sanskrit terms in a novel way, I propose how persons of different faiths can demonstrate mutual respect for one another. This will result in an open space in which adherents of all faiths can examine their tenets, and make whatever adjustments are needed to comply with the multi-civilizational ecosystem in which we live. Redefined for this new purpose, the astika-nastika categorisation can become a powerful weapon to defend Hinduism and reposition it as an important resource for humanity. This, too, is explained in the Conclusion.
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Indra’s Net, Introduction

Introduction-Indra’s Net

Each of my books tries to provoke a new kind of conversation, the goal of which is to confront some specific prejudice against Indian civilization. Established biases covering a wide range of issues need to be exposed, especially when they are unsubstantiated. The objective of every book of mine is to pick a particular dominant narrative which is sustained by a nexus of scholars specializing in that theme, and then target it to effectively subvert it. The success of any such book may be measured in terms of how much challenge it generates against the incumbent positions. If my counter-discourse can become established in the minds of a sufficient number of serious thinkers, then it will assume a life of its own and its effects will continue to snowball without my direct involvement. This is the end result I seek. To be effective, a book must resist straying from its strategic priorities and must avoid arguing too broadly.

For example, I developed the strategy, overall thesis, and much of the content of Invading the Sacred so as to take aim at the Freudian psychoanalytical critiques of Hinduism. This hegemonic discourse was being propagated by a powerful nexus in the heart of the Western academia, and had spread as a fad among Indian intellectuals. Invading the Sacred gave birth to, and incubated, a solid opposition which cannot be ignored today. It spurred the Indian diaspora to recognize the syndrome and audaciously ‘talk back’ to the establishment of scholars.

My subsequent book, Breaking India, focused on demonstrating how external forces are trying to destabilize India by deliberately undermining its civilization. Such efforts are targeted at confusing and ultimately aborting any collective positive identity based on Indian civilization. The book exposed the foreign interests and their Indian sepoys who see Hinduism as a random juxtaposition of incoherent and fragmented traditions. Many watchdog movements have sprung into action because of that book. It has triggered a domino effect with other researchers now exposing more instances of the same syndrome.

My most recent book, Being Different, presents a coherent and original view of dharma as a family of traditions that challenges the West’s claim of universalism. Because Western universalism is unfortunately being used as the template for mapping and defining all cultures, it is important to become conscious of its distorted interpretation of Indian traditions. Being Different is prompting many Indians to question various simplistic views concerning their traditions, including some that are commonly espoused by their own gurus and political leaders. It is a handbook for serious intellectuals on how to ‘take back’ Hinduism by understanding it on its own terms.

The present book exposes the influential narrative that Hinduism was fabricated during British rule and became a dangerous new religion. The central thesis which I seek to topple asserts that Swami Vivekananda plagiarized Western secular and Christian ideas and then recast them in Sanskrit terminology to claim Indian origins for them. Besides critiquing this nexus and defending Vivekananda’s vision, this book also presents my own vision for the future of Hinduism and its place in the world.

Hence, the book has two purposes: to defend the unity of Hinduism as we practise it today, and to offer my own ideas about how to advance Vivekananda’s ‘revolution’ to the next stage.

This volume introduces some new vocabulary. Readers will learn the metaphor of ‘Indra’s Net’ as a poetic expression of deep Hindu insights which subsequently became incorporated as the most central principle of Buddhism. They will understand Vivekananda’s system of ‘tat tvam asi ethics’ as an innovative social theory premised on seva (service to others), but firmly grounded in Vedic thought. They will also become familiar with the ‘neo-Hinduism camp’, which is my name for the group of scholars who have developed the thesis aimed at undermining Vivekananda’s innovations and de-legitimizing contemporary Hinduism.

The book introduces and explains such ideas as ‘open architecture’ and ‘toolbox’, which are critical to my insights on Hinduism. While openness has always been characteristic of Hindus, too much of a good thing can be dangerous. I argue that this very quality of openness has made Hinduism susceptible to becoming ‘digested’. Digestion, a concept introduced in my earlier books, is further elaborated in these pages.

In the Conclusion, I stick my neck out and introduce a set of defensive strategies for safeguarding against digestion. I call these strategies the ‘poison pill’ (borrowing from corporate jargon) and the ‘porcupine defence’. I hope this provocative proposition will trigger debate and controversy.

Some of the new vocabulary that was introduced in Being Different—such as ‘history centrism’, ‘integral unity’ and ‘embodied knowing’—will be further sharpened in these pages. I will also ascribe new meanings to the old Sanskrit terms astika and nastika, and utilize them differently than in the tradition.

As an author, I am often asked who my target audience is. This is not an easy question to answer. Clearly, I wish to influence mainstream Hindus who are often seriously misinformed about their own traditions. But if I were simply dishing out what they want to hear, appealing to their ‘feel-good’ sensibility, I would be doing them a disservice; I would also be failing in my goal to radically change the discourse. Bombastic books that present Hinduism in a chauvinistic manner are counter-productive and a recipe for disaster. My hope is to spur the genesis of what I call a ‘home team’ of intellectual leaders who would research, reposition and articulate Hinduism in a responsible way on important issues today. Therefore, my writings must be rigorous to withstand the scrutiny of harsh critics.

This means I must also write for the secular establishment and the old guard of Hindu leaders, both of whom will be provoked by this book for different reasons. The secularists will attack it as a defence of Hinduism which to them is synonymous with ‘communalism’. The Hindus with tunnel vision will complain that it deviates from their narrow, fossilized lineage boundaries. While trying to educate the mainstream readers in the middle, I also wish to debate both these extremes.

Let me confess up-front that I have made some compromises for practical reasons. For instance, I use the term ‘philosophy’ to refer not only to Western philosophy but also, at times, to Indian thought, even though the latter would more accurately be called darshana. In every book I like to introduce a small number of non-translatable Sanskrit terms which I attempt to explain deeper than merely providing a reductive English equivalent. This book contains several such non-translatables, but ‘darshana’ is not one of them. I use the word ‘philosophy’ even where ‘darshana’ would perhaps be more appropriate. I apologize for this pragmatic simplification because I do not wish to overload my reader.

The difference between philosophy and darshana is significant. Philosophy resides in the analytic realm, is entirely dis-embodied, and is an intellectual tool driven by the ego. Darshana includes philosophy but goes much further because it also includes embodied experience. Traditionally, Indian thought has been characterized by the interplay of intellectual analysis and sadhana (spiritual practice), with no barriers between the two. Hindu practices cultivate certain states of mind as preparation for receiving advanced knowledge. In other words, darshana includes anubhava (embodied experience) in addition to the study of texts and reasoning. The ordinary mind is an instrument of knowing, and its enhancement through meditation and other sadhana is seen as essential to achieving levels of knowledge higher than reasoning alone can provide. Western philosophy emphasizes reason to the exclusion of anubhava and thus consists essentially of the dis-embodied analysis of ‘mental objects’. Such a philosophy can never cross the boundary of dualism.

Another discomforting choice I make is to use the term ‘contemporary Hinduism’ to refer to Hinduism as we know it today. Hinduism is an ancient tradition that has been adapted many times, most recently for the present era. In the context of this book, the term simply denotes a new variation of something that is not exactly the same as it was previously. The very existence of smritis—texts that are written and rewritten to fit the context of each specific period and place—indicates that our tradition has never been frozen in time. It has evolved in step with the needs and challenges of each era.

My choice of this term, then, is intended to make the mainstream ‘contemporary Hindu’ readers comfortable. By the end of the book, I hope to have convinced readers that Hinduism cannot be pigeon-holed into tradition, modern and post-modern straitjackets in the way the West sees itself, because Hinduism has always been all three of these simultaneously and without contradiction.

The book focuses on toppling a specific, well-entrenched line of discourse that tries to isolate tradition in order to create conflicts and contradictions. My challenge is to help general readers undergo some serious mental shifts. Accordingly, I prefer not to overburden them by introducing too many unfamiliar terms. My hope is that most of my readers will be comfortable with such terms as ‘philosophy’ and ‘contemporary Hinduism’, and not be bothered that some theoreticians might find them problematic.

Additionally, in the interest of reader friendliness, an editorial decision was made to avoid using diacritic marks for Sanskrit pronunciation. Most Sanskrit terms are being italicized when they appear for the first time, and this may be repeated in some situations. A Sanskrit term will often be accompanied by a brief phrase in parentheses, giving its approximate meaning in English. Many Sanskrit terms are spelled in more than one way depending on the source— for instance, ‘Shankara’ is also spelled as ‘Sankara’. Vivekananda is frequently mentioned without the ‘Swami’ title. I anticipate purists in Indian scholarship to raise issues with some of these compromises. But, as explained at the very beginning, I must pick my battles carefully and in a focused way, and this means making practical accommodations.Summary of the major propositions and arguments in the book:

The following is a list of major propositions being explained and argued in this book. I furnish this list so the reader knows what to expect and can target his or her reading better:

The openness of Hinduism: The metaphors of ‘Indra’s Net’, ‘open architecture’, and ‘toolbox’ are among the devices I use to explain that Hinduism is inherently an open system and that its unity and continuity are different from that which is found in the Abrahamic religions.

The Introduction, Chapter 11 and Conclusion explain the concepts behind these metaphors. I also explain how the Vedic metaphor of Indra’s Net has travelled into the very heart of Buddhist philosophy, and from there into contemporary Western thought and culture. Hindu and Buddhist dharma is the art of surfing Indra’s Net. The ‘neo-Hinduism’ allegation against contemporary Hinduism: I strongly oppose the work of a prominent school of thought which claims that contemporary Hinduism, as we know it, is artificial and Western-generated, and that it was constructed and perpetrated by Swami Vivekananda for political motives.

Chapters 1 through 7 explain the details of this subversive thesis (called the ‘neo-Hinduism’ thesis), the backgrounds of its main proponents, and the history of how it came about. All of this lays the groundwork for my rejoinder that follows. My defence of contemporary Hinduism: Not only are the charges against contemporary Hinduism refuted, point by point, in chapters 6, 8, 9, 10 and 11, but a countervailing view crystallizes, seeing contemporary Hinduism as unified, coherent and rooted in tradition.

Chapter 6 explains the serious consequences of the ‘neo-Hinduism’ thesis in the form of popular literature and media biases in India. Digestion and fake liberalism: Many of the precious ideas and concepts in Hinduism have been systematically removed and placed in Western garb. Meanwhile, the original Hindu sources are allowed to atrophy and made to appear obsolete.

Chapter 12 and the Conclusion articulate this syndrome with examples and discuss the existential danger this poses to Hinduism. The ‘porcupine defense’ and ‘poison pills’: With these I present my own strategy for safeguarding Hinduism from getting digested and thereby made to disappear. This defence entails the use of certain Hindu philosophical elements and practices which the predator cannot swallow without ceasing to exist in its current form. Such protective devices can help gurus free their Western followers from bondage to their religion of birth, such as claims to unique historical revelations, hyper-masculinized ideas of the divine, and institutionalized dogmatic beliefs. This is explained in the Conclusion. The future of astika and nastika: Using these age-old Sanskrit terms in a novel way, I propose how persons of different faiths can demonstrate mutual respect for one another.

This will result in an open space in which adherents of all faiths can examine their tenets, and make whatever adjustments are needed to comply with the multi-civilizational ecosystem in which we live. Redefined for this new purpose, the astika-nastika categorisation can become a powerful weapon to defend Hinduism and reposition it as an important resource for humanity. This, too, is explained in the Conclusion.

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AI & The Future of Power, Introduction

Introduction-AI & The Future of Power

It is extremely easy to find people who speak pleasantly. But it is rare to find people who speak and hear true words even when they are not pleasing to hear.
— Ramayana

My love for both physics and philosophy, which started in childhood, went on to become a lifelong passion, a quest that continues to this day. As a college undergraduate, I immersed myself in the nascent field of consciousness studies and discovered that renowned theoretical physicists, such as Werner Heisenberg and Erwin Schrödinger, had been inspired by Vedic insights and used them as the philosophical lens for understanding quantum mechanics. This approach came to be accepted as one of the interpretations of quantum mechanics in the twentieth century and has, since then, influenced many scientists. Later, while studying computer science in the US, I became interested in algorithms. An algorithm is a systematic, step-by-step process to achieve an outcome, like a recipe, whether for cooking, getting a driver’s license, or managing payroll. Algorithms are typically used to describe streamlined, repetitive and predictable procedures. The interplay between my spiritual quest and interest in computer science generated many questions that have intrigued me for the past several decades, such as:

• Artificial Intelligence and the Future of Power
• Physics can be viewed as the discovery of nature’s algorithms. But is nature only algorithmic, or are there also natural processes that cannot be modeled as algorithms because they transcend all algorithms— such as exalted spiritual experiences?
• What are the limits of algorithms in modeling humans? In particular, is it possible to model human psychology, emotions, and intuitions as algorithms?
• If all processes could, in principle, be modeled as algorithms, what would be the implications for free will and the nature of consciousness?
• How Is rtam (rita), an important term used in the Rig Veda to refer to the patterns that comprise the fabric of all existence, related to algorithms? Isrtam related to algo-rithm?
In the early 1970s, a subject of intense discussion was the investigation of a category of algorithms under the umbrella term of Artificial Intelligence (AI). That is when I started out as a graduate student specializing in AI; the aim was simply to develop algorithms for activities like playing chess. At the time, the best computer program could only just beat an average human player. But that was then. It took a quarter of a century for the major milestone in 1997 when an IBM computer program named Deep Blue defeated Garry Kasparov, the reigning world chess champion. The rest, as they say, is history. My lifelong quest has been to understand the nature of intelligence, both natural and artificial, and how it plays out at various levels. To pursue this quest, I set up Infinity Foundation in 1994, a nonprofit organization to promote dialogue between Eastern and Western schools of thought. Its first projects included investigations in consciousness studies.

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Being Different, Introduction

Introduction-Being Different

I want all the cultures of all lands to be blown about my house as freely as possible. But I refuse to be blown off my feet by any. – Gandhi

This book is about how India differs from the West. It aims to challenge certain cherished notions, such as the assumptions that Western paradigms are universal and that the dharmic traditions teach ‘the same thing’ as Jewish and Christian ones. For while the Vedas say, ‘truth is one, paths are many’, the differences among those paths are not inconsequential. I will argue that the dharmic traditions, while not perfect, offer perspectives and techniques for a genuinely pluralistic social order and a full integration of many different faiths, including atheism and science. They also offer models for environmental sustainability and education for the whole being that are invaluable to our emerging world. The book hopes to set the terms for a deeper and more informed engagement between dharmic and Western civilizations.

In making these arguments, I may be accused of using broad definitions, generalizations and extreme contrasts. When I speak of ‘the West’ vs ‘India’, or the ‘Judeo-Christian religions’ vs the ‘dharma traditions’, I am well aware that I may be indulging in the kind of essentialism that postmodern thinkers have correctly challenged. I am also aware that such large categories comprise multiple traditions which are separate and often opposed.1 I view these terms as family resemblances and guides, not as reified or immutable entities. Furthermore, most people do understand them as pointing to actual entities with distinct spiritual and cosmological orientations, even if they can only be defined in opposition to one another. The terms can thus be used as entry points for debate and as foils to contrast both sides, which may help deepen our understanding.

To be more precise, ‘the West’ is used in this book to refer to the cultures and civilizations stemming from a rather forced fusion of the biblical traditions of ancient Israel and the classical ones of Greece and Rome. My focus here is on American history and culture, because they are most exemplary of the Western identity today. I investigate European history primarily to uncover the roots of the West’s self-understanding and approach to India, and I give special attention to the role of Germany in shaping the Western approach to dharma.

‘India’ here refers both to the modern nation and to the civilization from which it emerged. For reasons to be discussed at length, I do not follow the current fashion for ‘deconstructing’ Indian identity into its constituent parts, or for ‘breaking India’, as I have called the process in my previous book.

As for the term ‘Judeo-Christian’, it is a hybrid which does make some Jews and Christians uncomfortable, because it lumps together very different and often sharply opposed religions. I try to avoid using this hybrid where a distinction is important. Nevertheless, this term is useful in designating a religious paradigm that is common to both, particularly with regard to the central importance given to historical revelation. (This paradigm is also found in a different form in Islam, but I do not deal with Islam in this volume.)

‘Dharma’ is used to indicate a family of spiritual traditions originating in India which today are manifested as Hinduism, Buddhism, Jainism and Sikhism. I explain that the variety of perspectives and practices of dharma display an underlying integral unity at the metaphysical level which undergirds and supports their openness and relative non- aggressiveness. Dharma is not easy to define, and a good deal of this book is devoted to explaining some of its dimensions. The oft-used translations of dharma as ‘religion’, ‘path’, ‘law’ and ‘ethics’ all fall short in substantial ways. Suffice it to say that the principles and presuppositions of dharma are available in classical Sanskrit terms that often have no exact translation in English; dharma encompasses a diversity of lifestyles and views that have evolved over many centuries.

As I have just noted, Western foundational concepts and values stem not from one source but from two: Judeo-Christian historical revelations expressed through prophets and messiahs, and Greek reason with its reliance on Aristotelian logic and empirical knowledge. I will argue at length that the resulting cultural construct called ‘the West’ is not an integrally unified entity but a synthetic one. It is dynamic but also inherently unstable, leading to restless, expansionist, and often aggressive historical projects, as well as anxiety and inner turmoil. This instability has had a devastating effect not only on non-westerners but on westerners themselves. The cultural constructs of India are, by contrast, relatively more stable, flexible and less expansionist. Additionally, the dharma substrate (not without tension and experimentation) obviates the West’s conflicting claims of historical revelations and science-versus- religion conflicts.

As will be obvious, my exploration of these two different worldviews does not arise from a neutral, disinterested position (which would be impossible in any case) but from an avowedly dharmic one. However, I am not suggesting that we must return to the kind of imagined golden past often implied by this kind of advocacy. I am simply using the dharmic perspective to reverse the analytical gaze which normally goes from West to East and unconsciously privileges the former. This reversal evaluates Western problems in a unique way, sheds light on some of its blind spots, and shows how dharmic cultures can help alleviate and resolve some of the problems facing the world today.

India itself cannot be viewed only as a bundle of the old and the new, accidentally and uncomfortably pieced together, an artificial construct without a natural unity. Nor is she just a repository of quaint, fashionable accessories to Western lifestyles; nor a junior partner in a global capitalist world. India is its own distinct and unified civilization with a proven ability to manage profound differences, engage creatively with various cultures, religions and philosophies, and peacefully integrate many diverse streams of humanity. These values are based on ideas about divinity, the cosmos and humanity that stand in contrast to the fundamental assumptions of Western civilization. This book explores those ideas and assumptions.

Some of this analysis is highly critical and will perhaps raise hackles not only among westerners but also among Indians who value Western culture (as I do myself). They will point out that Western culture’s self- critique is its hallmark and stock-in-trade. However, that self-critique invariably takes place within Western categories and institutions of knowledge production and, as a result, is blind to many of its shortcomings.

There are two extremes that I wish to avoid in positioning dharma vis-à-vis the West. On the one hand, over-emphasizing dharmic wisdom and its precedents can lead to chauvinism (and give rise to some of the same problems that exist in the ‘arrogance’ of the West) and even to isolationism and a failure to engage globally. On the other hand, if dharma is put forward merely as an eclectic collection of disparate ideas, it will lack the cohesiveness necessary to function as a force for change.

With these concerns in mind, I offer four areas of difference between dharmic and Judeo-Christian traditions:

  1. Embodied Knowing versus History-centrism
  2. Integral Unity versus Synthetic Unity
  3. Anxiety over Chaos versus Comfort with Complexity and Ambiguity
  4. Cultural Digestion versus Sanskrit Non-Translatables

These areas of contrast are summarized below and discussed at length in the subsequent chapters.

Embodied Knowing versus History-centrism

Dharma and Judeo-Christian traditions differ fundamentally in their approaches to knowing the divine. The dharma family (including Hinduism, Buddhism, Sikhism and Jainism) has developed an extensive range of inner sciences and experiential technologies called ‘adhyatma- vidya’ to access divinity and higher states of consciousness. Adhyatma- vidya is a body of wisdom and techniques culled from centuries of first- person empirical inquiry into the nature of consciousness and undertaken by advanced practitioners. These accounts and the individuals who have embarked on these quests are highly regarded, but they are not reified into canons, messiahs or absolute statements of an exclusive nature. They are neither a code of laws nor a history of past revelations but guides for replicating and retransmitting the experience and its transformational powers. Their truth must be rediscovered and directly experienced by each person. I have coined the term embodied knowing to refer to inner sciences and adhyatma-vidya.

The Judeo-Christian traditions, in contrast, depend on the historical revelations of prophets who speak of the collective destiny of whole peoples and of humankind. The human condition stems from an act of disobedience or ‘sin’, beginning with the ‘original sin’ of Adam and Eve, the forbears of all humanity. Every individual is born a sinner. For this reason, humans are unable to achieve union with the divine (at least not in the dharmic sense); the spiritual goal instead is salvation that can be achieved only through obedience to God’s will as understood through a particular set of prophets and historical events. Hence the historical record of that intervention must be carefully maintained, and its truth must be taken forward and aggressively asserted. The goal of this record is to bring humans collectively to obey a specific ‘law’. This history must be considered universal, however particular and fallible its agents (both individual and collective) may be. Humanity’s collective destiny will be determined and judged at the End of Time.

Such an absolute status of history weakens the authority of individual spiritual explorations (hence, mystics have been regarded with suspicion in these traditions) and becomes the basis for competing claims to truth that cannot be reconciled. Furthermore, those without access to these historical revelations must remain, by definition, in the dark, lacking the most elementary means to make contact with God. I have coined the term history-centrism to refer to this fixation on specific and often incompatible claims to divine truth revealed in the course of history. I regard this historical fixation as the major difference between dharmic and Judeo-Christian paths and as a problem which can breed untold psychological, religious and social conflict.

Integral Unity versus Synthetic Unity

The idea of underlying unity in the dharmic traditions differs radically from how unity is understood in the Judeo-Christian traditions. All dharmic schools begin by assuming that ultimately the cosmos is a unified whole in which absolute reality and the relative manifestations are profoundly connected. Western worldviews, by contrast, have been shaped by a tension between the absolute status of Judeo-Christian historical revelations on the one hand and the knowledge produced by a highly dualistic and atomistic Greek metaphysics and Aristotelian binary logic on the other. As a result, the West’s sense of unity is profoundly troubled, first by the split between revelation and reason (or between Hebraism and Hellenism, as this divide is sometimes described) and secondly by the inherently fragmented quality of the reasoning and speculation produced by the latter. I will discuss in Chapter 3 how the dharmic traditions draw on a sense of integral unity whereas the Judeo- Christian one is based on various synthetic unities which are inherently unstable and problematic.

The various dharmic schools, despite some profound differences in theory and practice, all attempt to account for some form of unity. Even though ordinary people find this difficult to experience, the resources for its realization are built into the various spiritual disciplines. The sense of an underlying unity is strong and allows for a great deal of inventiveness and play in understanding its manifestations. As a result, there tends to be a great diversity of paths and philosophical understandings without fear of chaos.

Western worldviews, whether religious or secular, begin with the opposite premise: the cosmos is inherently an agglomeration of parts or separate essences. The debates on this subject are not about how and why multiplicity emerges but about how unity can emerge out of the multiplicity. Such a unity is not innate; it must be sought and justified again and again, and the resulting synthesis is always unstable. The Judeo-Christian faiths begin (with some qualifications) by viewing the divine as profoundly separated and infinitely far from the world and the human, each side of the divide entirely distinct from the other. Classical Western philosophy and the science that emerged from it (again, with some qualifications) begin with the premise that the universe is composed of atomic entities or separate building blocks. Science and religion are both faced with the need to discover or invent a unity, which they do with some anxiety and difficulty. Furthermore, the starting points and conclusions of Western religion and science are in great mutual tension and even contradiction, which essentially makes Western civilization an uneasy and tentative synthesis of incompatible building blocks. Chapter 3 analyses this difference at length.

Anxiety over Chaos versus Comfort with Complexity and Ambiguity

Dharmic civilizations are more relaxed and comfortable with multiplicity and ambiguity than the West. Chaos is seen as a source of creativity and dynamism. Since the ultimate reality is an integrally unified coherence, chaos is a relative phenomenon that cannot threaten or disrupt the underlying coherence of the cosmos. Sri Aurobindo, the great Indian yogi and philosopher of the twentieth century, said that since unity in the dharmic traditions is grounded in a sense of oneness, there can be immense multiplicity without fear of collapse into disintegration and chaos. He went on to say that nature can afford the luxury of infinite differentiation, since the underlying immutability of the eternal always remains unaffected.

In the West, chaos is seen as a ceaseless threat both psychologically and socially – something to be overcome by control or elimination. Psychologically, it drives the ego to become all-powerful and controlling. Socially, it creates a hegemonic impulse over those who are different. A cosmology based on unity that is synthetic and not innate is riddled with anxieties. Therefore, order must be imposed so as to resolve differences relating to culture, race, gender, sexual orientation and so on.

Dharmic traditions, as a result of their foundational texts, epics, archetypes and values, depict order and chaos as belonging to the same family and weave multiple narratives around this idea of cooperative rivalry. The popular myth of Samudra-manthana, which tells of the churning of the ocean of ‘milk’, illustrates this concept, as we shall see in Chapter 4.

Cultural Digestion versus Sanskrit Non- translatables

Western scholars and westernized Indians are accustomed to translating and mapping dharmic concepts and perspectives onto Western frameworks, thereby enriching and perhaps even renewing the Western ‘host’ culture into which they are assimilated. Chapter 5 will argue that this approach is highly problematic. One does not say of a tiger’s kill that both tiger and prey are ‘changed for the better’ by the digestion, or that the two kinds of animals have ‘flowed into one another’ to produce a better one. Rather, the food of the tiger becomes a part of the tiger’s body, breaking down and obliterating, in the process, the digested animal. Dharmic traditions and wisdom are compromised or even obliterated once they can be substituted with Western equivalents which are not capable of accurately representing the dharma.

While this problem can be a danger in all inter-civilization encounters where the balance of political power is unequal, it is particularly acute when it comes to translating dharmic concepts in written Sanskrit into Western languages. Not only does Sanskrit, like all languages, encode specific and unique cultural experiences and traits, but the very form, sound and manifestation of the language carry effects that cannot be separated from their conceptual meanings.

The sacred sounds that comprise the Sanskrit language were discovered by India’s rishis of the distant past through their inner sciences. These sounds are not arbitrary conventions but were realized through spiritual practice that brought direct experiences of the realities to which they correspond. Numerous meditation systems were developed by experimenting with these sounds, and thus evolved the inner sciences that enable a practitioner to return to a primordial state of unity consciousness. Sanskrit provides an experiential path back to its source. It is not just a communications tool but also the vehicle for embodied knowing. Employed by the spiritual leaders of India, South-east Asia and East Asia for many centuries as a language, Sanskrit became the medium for expressing a distinct set of cultural systems and experiences.

Sanskriti is the term for this cultural framework. It is the lore and repository of philosophy, art, architecture, popular song, classical music, dance, theatre, sculpture, painting, literature, pilgrimage, rituals and religious narratives, all of which embody pan-Indian cultural traits. It also incorporates all branches of natural science and technology – medicine (including veterinary), botany, mathematics, engineering, architecture, dietetics, etc.

Although the Judeo-Christian faiths also have their sacred languages– Hebrew and Latin – and although the claims made for them are sometimes similar to the ones made for Sanskrit, these languages have not served as the basis for unified civilizations in quite the same way. This distinction will become clearer in Chapter 5.

Furthermore, Christianity, from the beginning, was not transmitted through a sacred language but through the vernacular – first the Aramaic that Jesus spoke, then the everyday koine Greek of the Mediterranean Basin. The New Testament, in its numerous translations, promulgates not a direct experience of the divine but a message or ‘gospel’ (meaning ‘good news’) about the divine. The emphasis here is on the meaning of the words and the historical deeds they recount and not on their sound or resonance or the embodied response they elicit. Christianity does not have a spiritual tradition similar to mantra, and prayer is a petition, conversation or thanksgiving to an external deity, where the conceptual meaning is far more important than the sound or its empirical effects on the practitioner.

The non-translatable nature of Sanskrit and all that this implies are compromised by the cultural digestion of dharma into the West. In the course of this digestion, crucial distinctions and understandings are lost, important empirical experiences foreclosed, and the most fertile, productive and visionary dimension of dharma eradicated and relegated to antiquity.

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Being Different, Synopsis

Synopsis

India is more than a nation state. It is also a unique civilization with philosophies and cosmologies that are markedly distinct from the dominant culture of our times – the West. India’s spiritual traditions spring from dharma which has no exact equivalent in western frameworks. Unfortunately, in the rush to celebrate the growing popularity of India on the world stage, its civilizational matrix is being digested into western universalism, thereby diluting its distinctiveness and potential.

This book addresses the challenge of direct and honest engagement on differences, by reversing the gaze, repositioning India from being the observed to the observer and looking at the West from the dharmic point of view. In doing so it challenges many hitherto unexamined beliefs that both sides hold about themselves and each other. It highlights that unique historical revelations are the basis for western religions, as opposed to dharma’s emphasis on self-realization in the body here and now. It describes the integral unity that underpins dharma’s metaphysics and contrasts this with western thought and history as a synthetic unity. The west’s anxiety over difference and fixation for order runs in contrast with the creative role of chaos in dharma. The book critiques fashionable reductive translations and argues for preserving certain non-translatable words of Sanskrit. It concludes with a rebuttal against western claims of universalism and recommends a multi-civilizational worldview.

The discussions and debate within the book employ the venerable tradition of purva-paksha, an ancient dharmic technique where a debater must first authentically understand in the opponent’s perspective, test the merits of that point of view and only then engage in debate using his own position. Purva-paksha encourages individuals to become truly knowledgeable about all perspectives, to approach the other side with respect and to forego the desire to simply win the contest. Purva-paksha also demands that all sides be willing to embrace the shifts in thinking, disruptive and controversial as they may be, that emerge from such a dialectical process.

Being Different highlights six distinct and fundamental points of divergence between the dharmic traditions and the West. These are as follows:

1) Approaches to difference: The West’s pervasive anxiety over personal and cultural differences have resulted in the endless need for the appropriation, assimilation, “conversion” and/or digestion and obliteration of all that does not fit its fundamental paradigms. The roots of this anxiety lie in the inherent schisms in its worldview.  Dharmic traditions, in contrast, while not perfect, are historically more comfortable with differences, both individual and collective; they are not driven by mandates for expansion and control.

2) History-centrism vs. Inner Sciences: The Judeo-Christian religious narrative is rooted in the history of a specific people and place. Further, the divine is external rather than within and guides humanity through unique and irreplaceable revelations. The dharmic traditions, in contrast, emphasize a series of sophisticated techniques of meditation and related inner sciences to achieve higher states of embodied knowing.

3) Integral unity vs. synthetic unity: Since the time of Aristotle, the West has assumed an atomic partitioning of reality into distinct and unrelated parts. The Judeo-Christian worldview is based on separate essences for God, the world and/ human souls. Additionally, there is an unbridgeable gap between Greek reason and religious revelation. The result has been a forced unity of separate entities, and such a unity always feels threatened to disintegrate and remains synthetic at best. In dharmic cosmology all things emerge from a unified whole. In Hinduism this integral unity is the very nature of Brahman; in Buddhism there is no ultimate essence like Brahman, but the principle of impermanence and co-dependence provides unity. Dharma and science are enmeshed as part of the same exploration. Every aspect of reality mirrors and relates to every other aspect in a web of interdependency.

4) The nature of chaos and uncertainty: The West privileges order in its aesthetics, ethics, religions, society and politics, and manifests a deep-rooted fear of chaos, uncertainty and complexity. The dharmic worldview see chaos as a creative catalyst built into the cosmos to balance out order that could become stultifying., and hence it adopts a more relaxed attitude towards it

5) Translatability vs. Sanskrit: Unlike Western languages, in Sanskrit the fundamental sounds have an existential link to the experience of the object they represent. This makes Sanskrit a key resource for personal and cultural development. It also implies that the process of translation and digestion into Western schemas is unavoidably reductive.

6) Western universalism challenged: In the “grand narrative” of the West, whether secular or religious, it is the agent or driver of historical unfolding and sets the template for all nations and peoples. This book challenges this self-serving universalism. It contrasts this with dharma’s non-linear approach to the past and multiple future trajectories.

The very openness that makes dharma appealing, however, often makes it vulnerable to invasion, appropriation and erosion by a more aggressive and externally ambitious civilization. The book uses the metaphor of digestion to point to the destructive effects of what is usually white-washed as assimilation, globalization or postmodern deconstruction of difference. For complex reasons, which are analyzed at length, the dharmic traditions have been a particular target of digestion into the West, and Being Different challenges the uncritical acceptance of this process by both Westerners and Indians.

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Breaking india, Introduction

Introduction-Breaking india

This book has emerged as a result of several experiences that have deeply influenced my research and scholarship over the past decade. In the 1990s, an African-American scholar at Princeton University casually told me that he had returned from a trip to India, where he was working with the ‘Afro-Dalit Project’. I learnt that this USoperated and -financed project frames inter-jati/varna interactions and the Dalit movement using American cultural and historical lenses. The Afro-Dalit project purports to paint Dalits as the ‘Blacks’ of India and non-Dalits as India’s ‘Whites’. The history of American racism, slavery and Black/White relations is thus superimposed onto Indian society. While modern caste structures and inter-relationships have included long periods of prejudice toward Dalits, the Dalit experience bears little resemblance to the African slave experience of America. But taking its cue from the American experience, the Afro-Dalit project attempts to empower Dalits by casting them as victims at the hands of a different race.

Separately, I had been studying and writing about the ‘Aryans’, as to who they were, and whether the origin of Sanskrit and Vedas was an import by ‘invaders’ or indigenous to India. In this context, I sponsored numerous archeological, linguistic and historical conferences and book projects, in order to get deeper into the discourse. This led me to research the colonial-era construction of the Dravidian identity, which did not exist prior to the nineteenth century and was fabricated as an identity in opposition to the Aryans. Its survival depends upon belief in the theory of foreign Aryans and their misdeeds.

I had also been researching the US Church’s funding of activities in India, such as the popularly advertised campaigns to ‘save’ poor children by feeding, clothing and educating them. In fact, when I was in my twenties living in the US, I sponsored one such child in South India. However, during trips to India, I often felt that the funds collected were being used not so much for the purposes indicated to sponsors, but for indoctrination and conversion activities. Additionally, I have been involved in numerous debates in the US with think-tanks, independent scholars, human rights groups and academics, specifically on their treatment of Indian society as a sort of scourge that the west had to ‘civilize’. I coined the phrase ‘caste, cows and curry’ to represent the exotic and sensational portrayals of India’s social and economic problems and their interpretation these as ‘human rights’ issues.

I decided to track the major organizations involved in promulgating these various theories, as well as those spearheading political pressure, and eventually the prosecution of India on the grounds of human rights violations. My research included following the money trail by using the provisions of financial disclosure in the US, studying the promotional materials given out by most such organizations, and monitoring their conferences, workshops and publications. I investigated the individuals behind such activities and their institutional affiliations.

What I found out should sound the alarm bell for every Indian concerned about our national integrity. India is the prime target of a huge enterprise—a ‘network’ of organizations, individuals and churches—that seems intensely devoted to the task of creating a separatist identity, history and even religion for the vulnerable sections of India. This nexus of players includes not only church groups, government bodies and related organizations, but also private thinktanks and academics. On the surface they appear to be separate and isolated from one another, but in fact, as I found, their activities are well coordinated and well funded from the US and Europe. I was impressed by the degree of interlocking and cooperation among these entities. Their resolutions, position papers and strategies are well articulated, and beneath the veneer of helping the downtrodden, there seem to be objectives that would be inimical to India’s unity and sovereignty.

A few Indians from the communities being ‘empowered’ were in top positions in these Western organizations, and the whole enterprise was initially conceived, funded and strategically managed by Westerners. However, there are now a growing number of Indian individuals and NGOs who have become co-opted by them, and receive funding and mentorship from the West. The south Asian studies in the US and European universities invite many such ‘activists’ regularly and give them prominence. The same organizations had also been inviting and giving intellectual support to Khalistanis, Kashmir militants, Maoists, and other subversive elements in India. So I began to wonder whether the campaigns to mobilize Dalits, Dravidians and other minorities in India were somehow part of the foreign policy of certain Western countries, if not openly then at least as an option kept in reserve. I am unaware of any other major country in which such large-scale processes prevail without monitoring or concern by the local authorities. No wonder so much has to be spent in India after such a separatist identity gets weaponized into all out militancy or political fragmentation.

The link between academic manipulations and subsequent violence is also evident in Sri Lanka, where manufactured divisiveness caused one of the bloodiest civil wars. The same also happened in Africa where foreign-engineered identity conflicts led to one of the worst ethnic genocides ever in the world.

About three years ago, my research and data had become considerable. Moreover, many Indians are simply unaware of the subversive forces at work against their country, and I felt that it ought to be organized for wider dissemination and debate. I started working with Aravindan Neelakandan, based in Tamil Nadu, to complement my foreign data with his access to the ground reality in India’s backwaters.

This book looks at the historical origins of both the Dravidian movement and Dalit identity, as well as the current players involved in shaping these separatist identities. It includes an analysis of the individuals and institutions involved and their motivations, activities, and desired endgame. While many are located in the US and the European Union, there are an increasing number in India too, the latter often functioning like the local branch offices of these foreign entities.

The goal of this book is not to sensationalize or predict any outcomes. Rather, it is to expand the debate about India and its future. Much is being written about India’s rise in economic terms and its implications to India’s overall clout. But not enough is written on what can go wrong given the rapidly expanding programs exposed in this book and the stress they put on India’s faultlines. My hope is that this book fills this gap to some extent.

Rajiv Malhotra Princeton, USA January 2011

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Breaking india, Six Provocations

Six Provocations

1. DRAVIDIAN IDENTITY CONSTRUCTED, EXPLOITED & POLITICIZED:

The fabrication of South Indian history is being carried out on an immense scale with the explicit goal of constructing a Dravidian identity that is distinct from that of the rest of India. From the 1830s onwards, this endeavor’s key milestones have claimed that south India: is linguistically separate from the rest of India; has an un-Indian culture, aesthetics and literature; has a history disconnected from India’s; is racially distinct; is religiously distinct; and, consequently, is a separate nation. Tamil classical literature that predates the 19th century reveals no such identity conflicts especially with “alien” peoples of the north, nor does it reveal any sense of victimhood or any view of Westerners or Christians as “liberators.” This identity engineering was begun by British colonial and missionary scholars, picked up by politically ambitious south Indians with British backing, and subsequently assumed a life of its own. Even then it was largely a secular movement for political power (albeit with a substratum of racist rhetoric). In recent decades, however, a vast network of groups based in the West has co-opted this movement and is attempting to transform Tamil identity into the Dravidian Christianity movement premised on a fabricated racial-religious history. This rewriting of history has necessitated a range of archeological falsities and even epigraphic hoaxes, blatantly contradicting scientific evidence. Similar interventions by some of the same global forces have resulted in genocides and civil wars in Sri Lanka, Rwanda and other places. If unchallenged these movements could produce horrific outcomes in South India.

2. LINKING OF DRAVIDIAN & DALIT IDENTITIES:

India has its own share of social injustices that need to be continually addressed and resolved. Caste identities have been used to discriminate against others, but these identities were not always crystallized and ossified as they are today, nor were they against a specific religion per se. Caste identity faultlines became invigorated and politicized through the British Censuses of India, and later intensified in independent India by vote bank politics. A dangerous anti-national grand narrative emerged based on claims of a racial Dalit identity and victimhood. But Dalit communities are not monolithic and have diverse local histories and social dynamics. There are several inconsistencies and errors in these caste classifications: not all Dalit communities are equivalent socially and economically, nor are they static or always subordinate to others. While Dravidian and Dalit identities were constructed separately, there is a strategy at work to link them in order to denigrate and demonize Indian classical traditions (including spiritual texts and the identities based on these) as a common enemy. This in turn, has been mapped on to an Afro-Dalit narrative which claims that Dalits are racially related to Africans and all other Indians are “whites.” Thus, Indian civilization itself is demonized as anti-humanistic and oppressive. This has become the playground of major foreign players, both from the evangelical right and from the academic left. It has opened huge career opportunities for an assortment of middlemen including NGOs, intellectuals and “champions of the oppressed.” While the need for relief and structural change is immense, the shortsighted selfish politics is often empowering the movements’ leaders more than the people in whose name the power is being accumulated. The “solutions” could exacerbate the problems.

3. FOREIGN NEXUS EXPLOITS INDIA’S FAULTLINES:

An entity remains intact as long as the centripetal forces (those bringing its parts together) are stronger than its centrifugal forces (those pulling it apart). This study of a variety of organizations in USA and Europe demonstrates certain dangerous initiatives that could contribute to the breaking up of Indian civilization’s cohesiveness and unity using various pretexts and programs. The institutions involved include certain Western government agencies, churches, think tanks, academics, and private foundations across the political spectrum. Even the fierce fight between Christians and Leftists within the West, and the clash between Islam and Christianity in various places, have been set aside in order to attack India’s unity. Numerous intellectual paradigms, such as postmodernist critiques of “nation,” originating from the West’s own cultural and historical experiences are universalized, imported and superimposed onto India. These ill-fitting paradigms take center stage in Indian intellectual circles and many guilt-ridden Indian elites have joined this enterprise, seeing it as “progressive” and a respectable path for career opportunities. The book does not predict the outcomes but simply shows that such trends are accelerating and do take considerable national resources to counteract. If ignored, these identity divisions can evolve into violent secessionism.

4. RELIGION’s ROLE IN THE COMPETITION FOR SOFT POWER:

Global competition among collective identities is intensifying, even as the “flat world” of meritocracy seems to enhance individual mobility based on personal competence. But the opportunities and clout of individuals in a global world relies enormously on the cultural capital and standing of the groups from which they emerge and are anchored to. As goes India and Indian culture (of which Hinduism is a major component), so will go the fate of Indians everywhere. Hence, the role of soft power becomes even more important than ever before. Religions and cultures are a key component of such soft power. Christian and Islamic civilizations are investing heavily in boosting their respective soft power, for both internal cohesiveness and external influence. Moreover, undermining the soft power of rivals is clearly seen as a strategic weapon in the modern kurukshetra.

5. INTERROGATING THE TERM “MINORITY”:

The book raises the question: Who is a “minority” in the present global context? A community may be numerically small relative to the local population, but globally it may in fact be part of the majority that is powerful, assertive and well-funded. Given that India is experiencing a growing influx of global funding, political lobbying, legal action and flow of ideologies, what criteria should we use to classify a group as a “minority”? Should certain groups, now counted as minorities, be reclassified given their enormous worldwide clout, power and resources? If the “minority” concerned has actually merged into an extra-territorial power through ideology (like Maoists) or theology (like many churches and madrassas), through infrastructure investment (like buying large amounts of land, buildings, setting up training centers, etc.), through digital integration and internal governance, then do they not become a powerful tool of intervention representing a larger global force rather than being simply a “minority” in India. Certainly, one would not consider a local franchise of McDonalds in India to be a minor enterprise just because it may employ only a handful of employees with modest revenues locally. It is its global size, presence and clout that are counted and that determine the rules, restrictions and disclosure requirements to which it must adhere. Similarly, nation-states’ presence in the form of consulates is also regulated. But why are foreign religious MNCs exempted from similar requirements of transparency and supervision? (For example: Bishops are appointed by the Vatican, funded by it, and given management doctrine to implement by the Vatican, and yet are not regulated on par with diplomats in consulates representing foreign sovereign states.) Indian security agencies do monitor Chinese influences and interventions into Buddhist monasteries in the northern mountain belt, because such interventions can compromise Indian sovereignty and soft power while boosting China’s clout. Should the same supervision also apply to Christian groups operating under the direction and control of their western headquarters and Islamic organizations funded and/or ideologically influenced by their respective foreign headquarters? Ultimately, the book raises the most pertinent challenge: What should India do to improve and deliver social justice in order to secure its minorities and wean them away from global nexuses that are often anti-Indian?

6. CONTROLLING THE DISCOURSE ON INDIA:

The book shows how the discourse on India at various levels is being increasingly controlled by the institutions in the West which in turn serve its geo-political ambitions. So, why has India failed to create its own institutions that are the equivalent of the Ford Foundation, Fulbright Foundation, Rockefeller Foundation, etc.? Why are there no Indian university based International Relations programs with deep-rooted links to the External Affairs Ministry, RAW, and various cultural, historical and ideological think tanks? Why are the most prestigious journals, university degrees and conferences on India Studies, in sharp contrast to the way China Studies worldwide is under the control of Chinese dominated discourse, based in the West and mostly under the control of western institutions?

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Academic Hinduphobia, Interview

Interview with Vishal Agarwal

Rajiv Malhotra, a long time critical evaluator of the scholarship of the Wendy Doniger school of Hinduism Studies speaks to Vishal Agarwal about the prejudices promoted by American scholars against Hinduism and Hindus.

Rajiv Malhotra retired from corporate life at the age of 44, more than 20 years ago, to study the causes of academic biases against Hinduism and India in the American Academe. He invested his savings in the Infinity Foundation, which is a think tank devoted to philanthropy and to a scholarly study of the Indian civilization.

– Question: How did you get embroiled in disputes with American professors on how Hinduism should be taught? What was your first experience with academic misrepresentations of Hindu traditions in the west?

Infinity Foundation was initially started to study India and the contributions of Indian civilization to the world objectively. Then, in 2000, my kids who attended the Princeton Day School, told me that one of their teachers wanted information on Swami Ramakrishna Paramahamsa and Swami Vivekananda in order to teach about Hinduism in a class on world religions. Soon thereafter, another teacher informed me that he could not teach about these two Hindu saints, because according to an American scholar he was in touch with, they had had an inappropriate sexual relationship. This teacher was afraid that parents of other students in his class might therefore object to teaching about these saints. I was shocked to hear of this crass interpretation of the spiritual relationship between Ramakrishna Paramahamsa and Swami Vivekananda, and therefore requested this teacher for an academic reference giving this interpretation. This is when I was shown the book ‘Kali’s Child’ by Jeffrey Kripal, a student of Wendy Doniger. I read it and also read copious amounts of the Doniger genre of literature on India. I became deeply pained to see their abuse of Hinduism by using the fig-leaf of Freudian psychoanalysis. Several decades ago, communists in West Bengal had alleged a homosexual relationship between Swami Vivekananda and Ramakrishna Paramahamsa. But these insinuations were rightly rejected as fringe and the perverse imagination of a few. However, in the western or more specifically American study of Hinduism in colleges, these interpretations seemed to have become mainstream.

– Question: Can you tell us more about the first few prominent books that made you aware of the problem?

Besides Kali’s Child, another book that caught my attention was ‘Ganesa: Lord of Obstacles, Lord of Beginnings.’ Its author, Paul Courtright, describes the trunk of Ganesa as a limp phallus, his broken tusk as castration, and even the staff of a brahmachari during the sacred thread ceremony as a ‘detachable penis.’ There is a wholesale distortion of Hindu texts. For instance a blatantly false claim is made that Daksha raped his own daughter Sati, an avatar of the Devi.

– Question: Did you approach the Hindu leadership in the United States to discuss these problematic descriptions? If yes, then what was their response?

I surmised that the Hindus in the United States were ignorant of these books despite their large-scale use in colleges for teaching about Hinduism. My hunch turned out to be largely correct. However, there were some local Hindu leaders who were in fact aware of these books but had chosen to do nothing for various reasons. Some argued: “Who cares if a scholar writes this nonsense about our faith because we know better.” Others said, “We are a tolerant religion and by objecting to this distortion of Hinduism, we do not want to come across as a fanatical community.” Most of the people were simply too arrogant or even scared to talk about it. Many were simply na⁄ve about the harmful effects of these academic works on the well-being of our community. And to be charitable, some leaders were simply too prudish to take-on this pornography that was being written in the name of academic scholarship.

And therefore, I started writing articles showing why these interpretations were wrong, and how they promoted prejudices about our heritage in the eyes of the American masses. The Indian civilization is one of the major ones of the world, and it has numerous unique features and contributions to human civilization. But these American scholars, who were largely students of Wendy Doniger, were using, or rather misusing, inapplicable lenses of Marxist, Freudian and leftist theories to an ancient and a deeply spiritual civilization. Moreover, the irony was that none of these scholars was actually trained professionally even in the theories that they had applied for analyzing Hinduism. It was, for example, kitsch-psychology, where words like “penis”, “vagina”, “semen” and “menstrual blood” were thrown in liberally to interpret everything and anything related to Hinduism in order to appear cool and provocative in a fashionable sense.

My articles generated a tremendous response from the Indian diaspora, way more than what I had imagined. I was already attending professional conferences of religion scholars, like the American Academy of Religion conference. What startled me was that whereas all the Abrahamic faiths and even Buddhism were largely represented by practitioner scholars, the opposite was the case with Hinduism. The dominant attitude was that, “We western scholars know Sanskrit better and we understand your texts and tradition more than you Hindus understand them.”  In fact, I learned that those few scholars who did come out as Hindus (converts to Hinduism) were harassed and marginalized. It was as if, in the eyes of most western scholars, Hinduism needed to be saved from the Hindus!

In some conferences, I saw a sprinkling of Indian scholars but their role was largely confined to studying Hinduism from negative viewpoints. These Indian scholars were typically hardcore leftists with an ingrained hatred for Hindu culture, and served as obedient sepoys and coolies of western scholars promoting a narrative about India, one that was even more negative than the old colonial studies were. Therefore, in my articles exposing this network, I coined new phrases like “Wendy’s Children”, “Thaparís Children” and “Hinduphobia”, and redeployed old terms like “sepoys”, “coolies”, etc.

– Question: What do you think about the recent banning of Wendy Doniger’s “The Hindus: An Alternative History“? What was your role in this lawsuit that led to the ban.

I was not involved in the lawsuit at all. But I followed the case closely and I can offer my observations. Firstly, her book was not banned. I have always been very explicit and consistent in holding that I do not support banning books. What I believe happened was that Penguin, the book’s publisher, reached an out of court settlement with the opposing litigants and agreed to pulp the copies printed by them in India. In other words, Penguin decided not to pursue the case to its logical conclusion and withdrew only the Indian edition from the market. This has not prevented Penguin and other distributors from importing the editions printed abroad for sale in India. Secondly, the case against Penguin and Doniger was filed by the Shiksha Bachao Andolan which is headed by Mr Dina Nath Batra, and their legal counsel was a very competent lawyer named Monika Arora, who is a very reputed Supreme Court lawyer in New Delhi.

The case was filed by them under the applicable Indian laws. Similar laws exist in many other countries. Contrary to what is being suggested in the Indian press, to the best of my knowledge the petitioners or their supporters did not indulge in violence or threats. Their submission to the court merely lists the numerous embarrassing errors in Doniger’s book, her distortions of the Indian history, her slurs against the Hindus and her shoddy interpretations. They show how her book violates Indian sensibilities and specific laws. My guess is that neither the author nor the publisher were able to defend the contents of the flawed book. As a face-saving device for Doniger, they decided to withdraw the book. And in doing so, they actually blamed Batra’s organization as some kind of a violent group which is not really the case. The crux of the matter is that the case exposed the hollowness of the scholarship of Doniger, who is often referred to as “the greatest scholar of Hinduism” by her cronies and sepoys in Indian circles.

My criticisms of her writings are already available in the public domain. These were compiled into a book called “Invading the Sacred” that was published as long back as 2007. It became a best-seller in India. Given the breadth of my research interests, I have long ago moved beyond Doniger’s children. My writings cover numerous areas other than the Wendy Doniger school of Hinduism studies. I write on and promote scholarship on the history of Indian philosophy, the scientific contributions of India, about dharmic views of Abrahamic belief systems, and so on. I have authored and/or sponsored numerous books on these topics. I did not get embroiled in the case because it concerned a small fraction of my research, and I did not want to be branded in such a limited way. Moreover, the litigants never asked me to intervene.

– Question: Don’t you think that banning books merely increases their sales?

Exactly. When a book is the topic of a controversy, its sales soar. And that is what happened with Doniger’s book too, which sold like hot cakes on Amazon. Unfortunately, Doniger did not bother to respond to her critics or even correct the obvious errors in the book. Instead, she gloated in a very crass manner that her book was selling very well, and she laughed at the stupidity of Indians who turned her into a celebrity. It reflects her lack of academic competence and personal integrity.

In this digital age, it is foolish to believe that books can be banned at all. Electronic copies of her book are floating freely on the internet. I believe in a free-exchange and open market for ideas. My own ideas are also widely available online. It is the entrenched and elitist lobbies like that of Doniger and Indian Marxist historians who loathe the recent proliferation of social media and even of the internet and computers themselves! If you read earlier writings of Romila Thapar for instance, she has a negative view towards computers and the internet. The reasons are very clear – democratization of knowledge is feared by those who monopolize the print distribution channels and who rely on official and unofficial patronage. They have practiced gatekeeping like some chowkidars protecting a fortress. Even in her “The Hindus”, Doniger betrays a fear of the internet because critiques of her book can be posted online without censorship.

I think that the litigants represented by Monica Arora won a moral victory, and it would be appropriate to categorize their struggle against the publishing giant as a satyagraha, just as Gandhiji took on the mighty British empire with the weapon of non-violent struggle.

– Question: But did you try to have a dialogue with her and arrive at a consensus on the contents of the book?

I and others have tried numerous times in the past to have a dialogue with Doniger, Courtight, Kripal and others. But, in their arrogance, they have made statements like, “These people are ignorant and unqualified, and are not worthy of our time.” In other words, Doniger and her students have been very dismissive of their critics and have persistently refused to engage in a dialogue with them. In fact, in academic discussion lists, her large group of students exert a strong influence, and have frequently cancelled the membership of dissenting voices. So they are like an academic mafia that indulges in a blatant suppression of free speech. None of the Indian literary festivals and conclaves where her PR machinery made her a celebrity has ever invited her critics to participate on an equal basis. This one-sided patronage is a glaring example of controlling free speech, while claiming to be champions of intellectual freedom.

Extensive criticisms of her book, citing page and paragraph, are available on the web. One of them has actually been published in the form of a book that is available on Amazon.com. Even a casual reading of these critiques shows that her book has hundreds of verifiable factual errors. For instance, if Doniger says that a particular saint was patronized by a specific sultan, when history books tell us that this saint lived at a different region and time from that of the sultan, how can there be a dispute that she is incorrect? There are hundreds of such embarrassing errors in her book! And when you look at her constant kinking of Hindu scriptural narratives to read like pornographic fiction, you really start wondering. This raises questions about the integrity of the peer review processes used by publishers for reviewing works by Doniger and her students.

Interestingly, these scholars find me to be non-ignorable. Yet they do not talk to me personally before publishing distorted narratives about me. For instance, in her book “The Clash Within”, the radical leftist Martha Nussbaum wrote some vicious personal attacks on me but never contacted me to understand where I was coming from. Another gentleman she interviewed for the book suggested to her that she must contact me directly, but she pointedly refused to do so. No respectable editor of a publishing house ought to allow such slander to pass through. It appears to me that these scholars will accept Hindus only as passive native informants, and not as intellectual equals who can talk back and question them.

– Question: How do you think Penguin should have reacted to the lawsuit against the book?

I believe that academic integrity requires that they should have brought out a new edition of the book correcting the hundreds of errors therein. It is my guess that Doniger manipulated this into a prestige issue, especially because people were talking not about a small number of errors but literally hundreds of errors that would have required her to rewrite entire chapters. If she had made such a major rewrite, the image of her being an impeccable scholar would have been shattered.

Instead of responding to these criticisms and being intellectually honest, Doniger has sought to hide by using the numerous awards that she received from various literary organizations, including those in India! Her work is heavily promoted by her students all over the world. Indian Marxist professors entrenched in American universities actually prescribe her books for teaching Hinduism, and this is their own way of promoting Hinduphobia.

If I examine her book as literature, I find it as sensational fiction. But it is severely flawed and biased when evaluated as serious scholarship. The book is not history; it is really the story of her own personal psychology.

– Question: If Doniger’s scholarships is very flawed, haven’t there been criticisms of her work from within the academy? You cannot dismiss all western scholars of Hinduism as “Wendy’s Children.”

You are correct that all Hinduism scholars are not Wendy’s Children. And some who are not, have criticized her books. For instance, Michael Witzel, who is often regarded as a Hindu-hater per his own admission, has publicly shown how wrong her translations of Sanskrit texts are. Another German scholar has called her books as “fast food” that sell a lot and are addictive, but have a long term harmful effect on health, in this case meaning true scholarship. In fact, even Indian Marxist historians who have long suffered from Hinduphobia, used to criticize her books because they rejected the very existence of Hinduism as a religion. So how could she, they argued, write on an ancient religion that she claimed did not exist in the first place? These Indian Marxist historians feared that Doniger’s books could promote “communalism” in India.

In the past decade or a bit more, some interesting new developments have happened. The Marxist historians of India have continuously raised the bogey of Hindutva and violent Hindus, in order to strengthen their own bridges with western Indologists with a racist attitude towards Indians in general and the Hindus in particular. This new bonhomie was quite visible during the Doniger book controversy when all her former critics sprung to her defense and sought to dismiss any criticism of her book as an infringement of free speech! Hardly any of these scholars actually tried to counter the specific criticisms of her work by Hindu scholars. To me, this is a sad reflection of the intense politicization of the fields of South Asian Studies, Indology, Hinduism studies and India studies in the west. The credit for this goes to a great extent to the army of Marxist sepoys.

– Question: Why do even books like hers do so well in the Indian market? Many Indian scholars have said that they like the book and have learned a lot from it.

After independence, the Marxist control over media, arts and literature, historiography etc. in the last several decades left a vacuum in the academic presentation of Hinduism studies. To teach anything about Hinduism means being branded “communal.” In government funded universities, there are hardly any dedicated programs teaching darshanas, for instance. In fact, most Indian authors write books about Hinduism under the category of “Indian culture” just to be politically correct. In this environment where it is uncool to be a Hindu in a country with an 80% Hindu population, suddenly there appears a book whose title says that it is on Hinduism, and which is written in racy English prose by a white woman claiming to be an expert of Sanskritic texts. The book instantly fills the vacuum. Because most English educated Indians were never taught much about Hinduism in a systematic manner, they lap up whatever Doniger writes as a true and “safe” representation of their faith. Her copious but misleading footnotes, endnotes and bibliographies give her book a semblance of a serious work on Hinduism, whereas in fact many chapters could have been written better by even a college student taking an introductory course on Hinduism.

The Marxist elites entrenched in various government academies have a different reason for promoting her book. Her book climbed the political bandwagon of presenting the history of the marginalized sections of society. In reality however, the contents of the book are not about Hindu women, dalits or animals (all of whom she lumps together). Rather, she demeans Hindu women as over-sexed and violent creatures, and distorts the historical record to deprive dalits of any agency. In her descriptions, dalits and tribals were merely passive recipients of upper caste cultural influences and did not have much to contribute to Indian civilization! There is an entire cottage industry around the theme of what I termed “atrocity literature”, in which Indian masses are depicted as suppressed and oppressed and therefore in need of liberation by western interventionists. Her book fits this description, and is therefore promoted by Indian sepoy scholars who hate their own heritage and would like the racist western scholars to enter and “rescue” the Indian masses.

– Question: So what do you think is the solution to this problem given that the discourse on Hinduism is controlled completely by hostile elements?

Yes, this is a very serious problem indeed. The collusion of Indian sepoys with their western masters in promoting Hinduphobia through atrocity literature complicates the issue further. It will require decades of serious scholarship to dismantle this edifice of hate. The first step is to question their so-called scholarship and biases. I have been doing this for more than two decades now. It gives me some solace and satisfaction to see that a considerable segment of Indian diaspora has awakened to this constant demonization of their heritage, and is now willing to defend it against scholarly hatemongers. It is my life-long mission, my version of karmayoga, to fight constantly against the hateful demonization of Hindus, or Hinduphobia as I prefer to call it, through independent scholarship.

The second thing to do in parallel would be for us as a community to invest our time, effort and money in understanding our own tradition. This would involve a willingness to see our children get degrees in fields like the academic study of religion – something different from the usual engineering, medicine, law and economics majors.

Third, the Hindu diaspora will need to reassess its priorities. We have constructed thousands of beautiful temples all over the world. But, we risk these temples becoming museums within a few generations because we are not educating our children on what our culture truly means. No longer are our children willing to perform long rituals mechanically in a language they do not understand. Our tradition is very profound and meaningful, and it is a pity that we are not explaining its beauty to our children. It is heartening to see that some sampradayas within the Hindu diaspora are awakening to this need and are creating seminary-like institutions for training using very rigorous methods. But much, much more needs to be done. As a community, we tend to spend too much resources on melas, parties, non-educational events and rituals at the expense of the jnana based traditions.

Fourth, there is a sprinkling of good Hindu professors in the academe but they are too timid to confront racist biases of their colleagues, or stand up to the bullying of leftist Indian implants in departments of arts and humanities in the west. These Hindu professors will need to show some more grit, and launch an academic satyagraha.

Fifth, and very important, there still exists considerable traditional scholarship within several sampradayas in India but their publications are mainly in Indian languages. Many traditional scholars devote their lifetimes studying a specific scripture (e.g. the Ramcharitmanas) for their own spiritual growth, and they can read these texts backwards forwards. These scholars can instantly recognize false textual references and absurd interpretations in works like those of Donigers. I think that English speaking scholars should consult these traditional scholars while countering Hinduphobic works of Doniger and Thapar schools. I have made a call that we must develop a “home team” with different kinds of expertise working together.

Finally, Indians in India (including government, industry, sampradadayas and the general public) must shoulder this responsibility. It cannot be left to a few individuals in the diaspora. Whatever I might have achieved with my humble efforts in these past two decades, it is time that others with better resources and institutional clout must shoulder more responsibility quickly.

– Question: Hinduism is said to be a very tolerant religion. Don’t you think that calls for withdrawing her book and the litigation itself go against the principles of Hindu tolerance?

This is the reason why Hindus have not made a Rushdie out of any Arundhati Roy, or Romila Thapar or Wendy Doniger. Hindus have frustrated all attempts to make any Hinduphobes a martyr despite frequent feigned claims that “I am being attacked by Hindu nationalists”. Ironically, Hindu passiveness is being used as a weapon against the Hindus. Hinduism has an open architecture type toolkit from which people can borrow various tools to improve their lives, as per their own preferences. The diversity of Hindu approaches and even goals makes us accept so many interpretations of our traditions quite naturally. But let us call a spade a spade when we face intolerant and aggressive individuals and groups taking advantage of our openness.

A case in point is the academic mafia that I mentioned earlier. These academics preach tolerance to us and chide us in the name of free speech. But they themselves control most of the academic publishing venues, internet discussion lists, educational institutions and they have a strong presence in the media. They angrily suppress any dissenting voices and one of the strategies used by them is to malign their critics as being hyper-emotional, ignorant and dangerous individuals. Nothing is further from the truth. If Doniger and her ilk truly believe in openness and in free speech, then they should be willing to debate in public forums, and respond to their critics.

I have shaped my own struggle after Gandhijiís satyagraha. He fought against a mighty global empire “on which the sun never set.” But he fought the imperialists and colonialists through non-violent means, using truth and compassion as his weapons. As Krishna too says in the Gita, there is no greater purifier in this world than knowledge. I believe that through my writings and those of other critics of Doniger, the darkness of ignorance, racism, prejudice and Hinduphobia can be replaced with the light of true understanding of our great heritage.

– Question: Arundhati Roy has said that Penguin withdrew the book because they feared that a fascist government would come to power soon headed by Modi. What is your opinion on this?

Arundhati Roy is indulging in a guilty by association tactic. India was then ruled by the UPA government and no decent publisher has withdrawn any books based on fears. And why should we pay credence to Roy in this matter at all? She is not a scholar of Hinduism. I see no reason to believe that she has read Doniger’s book or its criticisms or that she even understands either. Roy in fact supports various terrorist movements in India and supports the secession of Kashmir from India. She is an intensely political person with her own axe to grind. Her career has been built on peddling atrocity literature to her western and westernized Indian base of readers.

Moreover, India is a democracy and it is governed by laws and the constitution. India is not a banana republic. The irony is that Roy and her ilk who demean the Hindus are in fact extremely intolerant and close-minded themselves, and have historically been at the forefront of banning sprees in independent India.

– Question: Any final comments?

I was recently the target of a massive attack trying to get my books banned. Luckily a counter-petition by my supporters was such an overwhelming success that the opponents of my free-speech ran away. It was an entirely false smear campaign. It caught the attention and support of foolish Indians in the media because it was led by a white man who falsely claimed to be from Princeton University. In fact, he has nothing to do with that university at all. He runs one of the largest Christian seminaries in the US, and his personal role has been to proselytize in India in the guise of protecting Dalits and so-called Dravidians, and he has supported the Dalit Christian movement by taking its “human rights oppression” to the global stage.

The slander against me was meant to convince my publishers to stop publishing my works, because my latest book, The Battle For Sanskrit, is being seen as the biggest threat these people have faced in recent times. This goes to show the hypocrisy in their claims of fighting intolerance. They are a viciously intolerant lot!

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