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Hindutva ideologue Rajiv Malhotra appointed JNU honorary visiting professor

Hindutva ideologue and author Rajiv Malhotra has been appointed an honorary visiting professor at Jawaharlal Nehru University’s Centre for Media Studies. Malhotra tweeted on Monday to say that he would deliver his first lecture as visiting professor on November 2 on the subject of “Sanskrit Non-Translatables”.

Other recent appointments at the premier institution include Subhash Kak, an Indian American computer scientist, who has been named among the adjunct faculty at the institution’s School of Engineering and as an honorary visiting professor at the Centre for Media Studies. Journalist and Rajya Sabha MP Swapan Dasgupta is also among the honorary visiting fellows of the centre.

The Centre for Media Studies runs MPhil and PhD research programmes and offers a few optional courses. The chairman of the Centre for Media Studies, Heeraman Tiwari, did not respond to calls or text messages seeking more information about the appointments.

Kak was among a group of teachers at US universities who issued a letter in 2015 welcoming Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s initiatives. The letter was in response to a statement issued by leading South Asian experts at US universities urging Silicon Valley industrialists to be cautious about doing business with Modi.

Malhotra is an American Hindutva activist and author. A physicist and computer scientist by training, he is the founder-director of the Infinity Foundation, located in New Jersey. His books include Indra’s Net: Defending Hinduism’s Philosophical Unity and Battle for Sanskrit.

In the Battle for Sanskrit, Malhotra attempts to counter what he describes as the Western view of ancient Indian texts and traditions, insisting on the need for a make-in-India approach instead. Malhotra asserts that Western scholars of Sanskrit “interpret India in ways that the traditional Indian experts would outright reject or at least question” and vows to take them on.

In 2015, Malhotra was accused of plagiarism by historian Richard Fox Young. Young alleged that Malhotra had quoted verbatim from other works and picked ideas without acknowledgement.

In 2002, Malhotra published an online essay, “Wendy’s Child Syndrome”, blaming University of Chicago scholar Wendy Doniger and her “cult of students” for the “eroticisation of Hinduism”.

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Academic Hinduphobia, News

Does Rutgers University promote White Supremacy and Hinduphobia?

Why is it that the West thinks that it is game to put down anything Hindu? Why is there such hatred among its population towards the people of the third biggest religion in the World, which has millenniums of unbroken rich, history, culture and heritage? Right from the 18th century British Colonialism, there have been steady attempts to denigrate, abuse, and destroy Hindu culture, religion, education and the society in general. Whatever the West finds attractive or ‘good’ in Hinduism, they shamelessly appropriate. Rajiv Malhotra calls this phenomenon as ‘digestion’. Though the countries/continents have changed, the skin color is too deep for the White Christians and also white left/liberals to not to inherit their forefather’s prejudices and misdeeds. The academia (both in the U.S and Europe) especially is heavily involved in leading this hatred. It becomes much more difficult to disregard their culpability when they are supposed to be the educated ones with unbiased scholarships and researches.

In this line of the esteemed lineage of academic Hinduphobic serial abusers comes their newest star, Audrey Truschke. She has the incredible distinction of being fathered and mothered (academically) by two of the most Hinduphobic American academicians: Sheldon Pollock and Wendy Doniger. Both of these scholars have been thoroughly exposed in Rajiv Malhotra’s ‘Battle Of Sanskrit’, ‘Invading the Sacred’ and ‘Academic Hinduphobia’ books. Many others have also written about them, which finally lead to one of Wendy’s books being pulped in India, a few years ago. Their contempt for Hinduism, their evil machinations to see it abused and ultimately destroyed and their continued attack on it through lies have all been well documented. Hence Audrey, having been taught by both of them, is living up to her mentors. She has not disappointed them yet. They should be so proud of her. She is now an Assistant Professor, Department of South Asian History at the Rutger’s University. And did I mention that her father-in-law is an evangelist and that her husband worked in Pakistan? Not even Aurangzeb could have come up with such a concoction that favors Hinduphobia! Interestingly she is also Aurangzeb’s fan-girl. But more on that later.

Her disdain, her hatred to be exact, for Hinduism has been out in the public for quite sometime now. Through her twitter account @AudreyTruschke, she has been assaulting Hinduism and Hindus for quite some time. She is very active on twitter where she has deliberately played with the feelings and the emotions of Hindus both in India and abroad. So on Friday the 20th she raised a hell storm after she quoted a despicable cartoon published by the leftist sroll.in.

In her first tweet she is saying the Lord Rama could handle criticism. But then it gets ugly.

Does Rutgers University promote White Supremacy and Hinduphobia Audrey Truschke 01Does Rutgers University promote White Supremacy and Hinduphobia Audrey Truschke 02So she calls Lord Rama, one of the most important and popular Gods of the Hindus a misogynist pig and uncouth.

And of course there were several reactions to her:

Does Rutgers University promote White Supremacy and Hinduphobia Audrey Truschke 03

Does Rutgers University promote White Supremacy and Hinduphobia Audrey Truschke 04So what has this got to do with White Supremacy and Rutgers University? Well for one thing, she works there, as I had mentioned earlier. But let us dig a little deeper into this university to put this whole issue into a proper perspective.

Slave owners, in the first place, built Rutgers University, with the help of slaves. Most of it benefactors, teachers and students were slave owners. The college also received substantial donations of land and money from slaveholders. It also has a history of being closely connected to the Evangelicals. The Dutch reformed Church was the one that came up with the idea to have such an institution. Though the University has severed its ties, officially, with the New Brunswick Theological Seminary in 1856, it still maintains a close-knit relationship even now. This isn’t a big thing as many of the Universities have a deep Christian connection. But the issue becomes more apparent when one discovers that the severance mentioned earlier is just eyewash.

It has a history of controversies where a white supremacy view is supported in one way or another. Here are a few examples of some of the recent incidents that have taken in Rutgers.

Late last year, a microbiology Professor Michael Chikandas had shared a bunch of anti-semitic images and posts in his Facebook page. Rutgers President Robert Barchi, defended the Professor initially saying that he (the professor) was protected by the First Amendment, which promoted Free Speech. Thousands of students had actually signed a petition calling for his removal from the University, when he issued this statement. Instead, he said his primary concern was “does having posted that created an environment in his work that would compromise his ability to teach or to do research?”, and that it was an employment issue and not a hate speech issue!

Kevin Allred, an adjunct lecturer had posted anti-Trump and Gun control posts on Twitter in late 2016, after Trump won the elections. He was immediately apprehended by the New York police department and made to undergo a psychological evaluation in a hospital! He was then placed on administrative leave. How could he have questioned the gun laws that allow thousand of people to get killed in the U.S?

In another incident involving the same faculty a year earlier, a course that he had taught for many years on Beyonce as a symbol of Black feminism, got cancelled because “the University people where getting unnerved by ‘Black feminism’ ”, he says. So much for racial equality! The very popular course was suspended from 2015, in the garb that it was distracting students from other courses.

The University removed an art piece in the art library that involved a crucified Jesus on a dartboard with 4 darts. There have been far worse art works in other Universities. But Rutgers couldn’t help itself in letting go of its Christian roots and had to take down the art piece. Of course there is nothing wrong with its action if the University believed that the art piece offended the Christian faith. But then it should also give the same respect to other religions. Shouldn’t it? Which brings us to Audrey.

When she published her book on Aurangzeb, last year, Hindus of course blasted her on her twitter. After all, the Jews had one Hitler; we Hindus have had a series of Hitlers since the Islamic invasion of India. It is a well-known fact about how Aurangazb committed genocide on Hindus, Sikhs and Jains, killing them and destroying their temples. Her glorification of Aurangzeb is akin to some historian glorifying Hitler with alternative interpretations in 2250 A.D. Here she is defending Aurangzeb saying that she won’t judge him by modern standards.

So if in another 200 years will it be correct for someone else to justify Hitler? And extending the point, why wait for 200 years, its more than 75 years since he died, is it fine for people to justify Hitler with the pre WW2 standards. After all, there were many conditions that led to Hitler coming into power, starting from the World War I, which could easily be justified. But she gets away glorifying such an evil man.

And surprise, surprise, the University also came to her rescue. They published an article, where they defend her, going on to say that, “Modern Hindu-nationalists, meanwhile, saw the political value in perpetuating the conflict and have done so with great success.” Meaning that the modern Hindus are to be blamed and that Aurangzeb and the Muslims, who defend his actions, are the victims.

And of course as with every Western news outlet the University also had to publish this statutory ‘warning’ about the Indian PM: ‘Modi, first as Chief Minister of Gujarat and then as India’s Prime Minister, has been accused of condoning, and some would say stoking, anti-Muslim sentiment and violence along the way.’ Will the same University issue such a warning whenever Geroge W Bush’s name is mentioned? : “Bush, has been accused of invading Iraq in the pretext of Weapons of Mass Destruction that were never found, which lead to the killing of thousands of families, creating instability and later to one of the most vilest terrorist organization called ISIS”. Or will the University follow suit with a warning on Obama, ‘who stoked anti-government riots in the middle east that led to the deaths of thousands’? No. The university would never do that.

While it is a customary in any article with even a bit of journalistic standard, to include the opinion of the ‘other side’, in this article by the university only Audrey’s opinions are published. Not a single byte from the protesters who were protesting her book. I mean, we are more than a billion people here. I’m sure if they had tried some guy or girl who knew English would’ve responded to their reason for protest. But the University chose not to take any such step, which only makes their intention clear: the abuse of Hindus and Hindu culture is acceptable, by the way of supporting their faculty.

So coming back to this recent issue of her ‘#Ramayangate’ (yes, that is how she calls it, with absolutely no remorse. Hindus and their Gods is a joke to her), she agrees that she based her claim on loose colloquial translations.

Yes, there are many colloquial translations. But every one of them is based on Valmiki Ramayana, which is the oldest (and has the final authority), and no such words or meaning could be found in it. I wonder if she will use a colloquial translation of Quran or the Bible in one of her articles or tweets. And then she goes on to justify her tweets saying that she doesn’t have any spiritual insight into the work, but that she has relevant knowledge on the language!

What knowledge is she talking about? It is the rule for any and every person who wants to acquire the knowledge of Hindu spiritual texts to go to a Guru (probably from an established Sampradaya) and then learn under their guidance. If you don’t do that, then you don’t have the knowledge, so stop claiming that you have the knowledge of the language. Even an uneducated person from the most backward village will be able to tell the essence and the moral of these epics. What right does Audrey have to comment on something that she is not just aware of, but also averse to?

She answers straight away through another tweet.

She seems to deftly promote this article by an African scholar (rightly or wrongly) who argues that ancestral connection is not needed to grasp the history of African art. And therein lies her reason and her defense: That one doesn’t need to have any emotional and spiritual connection with the religious topics they are dealing with as long as they are related to India, Hinduism and Hindu Gods. Would she ever deal Islam with the same approach? Let us see.

Notice the word ‘sacred’ when it involves Islam. Ramayana is not sacred, but of course the religion of her Mughal hero is definitely so. She can make fun of our Itihaasas, our Gods, our heroes in any way she can.

(There is a whole set of tweets where she is making fun of Hindu scriptures and Itihaasas).

Here is her hypocrisy that gets laid bare with no less uncertainty. She accepts that what she wrote is a loose translation. So it is clear that whatever she had ascribed to have come from Devi Sita’s mouth were her own words which she directs towards Lord Rama. Hence it is most certainly Audrey who is saying that Lord Rama is a misogynist and uncouth. But we just saw her declare that she ‘declines’ to judge Aurangzeb by modern standards’. Hence for her, it is fair to judge Lord Rama and put him down as a misogynist whereas it is a sin to judge Aurangzeb . Now, we clearly have the evidence for the slant of her scholarship.

So now the question before the Rutgers University administration is whether, under the pretext of the First Amendment and Freedom of Speech, they are going to allow a known Hinduphobe, a constant Hindu abuser and a glorifier of a genocidal maniac to continue to work in their institution. It becomes particularly important because there is a large growing voice in U.S universities to have more diversity and more respect for people of all religions and culture. And Audrey’s tweets, her disposition and her scholarship completely betrays this voice. For the University in allowing her to continue, will be seen as endorsing Hinduphobia over Islamophobia, anti-semitism, homophobia etc. and authenticating that use of phobia to hurt the feelings of literally hundreds of millions of people of a faith, with the use of lies. It will raise questions on the intentions and the integrity of the scholars , who take liberty on loose translations and the institution that employs them. It will also raise questions on the nature of the scholarship that these scholars seem to posses and whether they lead to White Supremacy and racial hatred.

I do hope, in spite of my skepticism, that the Rutgers University administration will see this in the proper light and take actions against her, who with her words has deeply wounded millions of Hindus, Buddhists, Jains, Sikhs and Indians Worldwide.

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Soft Power Reparations: A Win-Win Approach For Britain And India

  • Today, one may be left leaning or right leaning but one cannot escape technology. Indians are now investing a lot in technology and they are a big resource not to be ignored.

This is the second and final part of an edited transcript of Rajiv Malhotra’s recent talk in the British Parliament. It was exceptionally well-received, with concrete plans being developed to carry the ideas forward. The video of this is available here.

There has been talk since the time of Indira Gandhi about Britain making financial reparations to India. I do not think that is a viable proposition since it would be an astronomical sum of money that Britain would owe to India if one calculates taking into account the various factors that come into play when making such calculations. This is a next to impossible proposition and Britain would never be in a position to honour it and neither would they do it. Instead, Britain and India have to acknowledge the past, correct distorted history, honour each other and help each other in building and reconstructing a positive grand narrative individually while moving ahead into the future. I believe a blame kind of model will never work. Instead, I would replace it with something more achievable that I have  named soft power reparations. This is a term that has never been used before, but it is a term that lends itself to potential success.

Soft power reparations would mean that the narrative of India that gets taught in text books both in India and in Britain need to be relooked at. The ideas regarding India’s history should be set right as truthfully as possible as opposed to be being exaggerated and bombastic to assuage an emotional audience. This kind of intellectual exercise will result in honesty being inserted back into the discourse. It does not require a lot of money but just the will and the determination to set things right.

Moving on to specifics, the whole Aryan Invasion theory needs to be dismantled. The early British Orientalists never proposed such a theory. They were very respectful and in fact very fond of Sanskrit. Even William Jones and those immediately following him never said that they were the Aryans who brought Sanskrit into India. This Aryan theory began to make its appearance only at the time of Max Mueller. He is the one who started propagating this theory and he was actively promoted by Queen Victoria who thought this was a fantastic way to legitimise British supremacy. This theory gave legitimacy to British rule over India because it allowed the British to rediscover the civilising mission of old. The first civilising mission was when they came as the Aryan race and gave the refined language of Sanskrit to India. That was colonialism project 1.0. Colonialism project 2.0 was about bringing civilisation with cricket, English, the railways and so on. Therefore, the colonial project of the 18th and 19th centuries was sought to be legitimised as the second civilising mission.

If the British were quick in appropriating the Aryan race theory for their own ends, the Germans were not far behind. The close affinity of German and Sanskrit gave Germans a much-needed premise to build a sense of nationhood. They theorised that they are the inheritors of the vast and beautiful corpus of Sanskrit texts and that their ancestors were those who formed the great nation of the Aryans. The Aryan theory began to get embedded into the German grand narrative, but it was Hitler who appropriated it completely and cruelly for his terrible project of creating the pure Aryan race. The consequence of this megalomania was the holocaust which resulted in the decimation of six million Jews and the negative association of the Swastika symbol. Thus, in the light of all the negative narrative that has been spawned out of this most mischievous and baseless theory, it is time the theory was junked.

Seeing the havoc caused by this spurious theory, my foundation, the scholars we are nurturing in India, and I would be very interested to collaborate with some good, honest scholars from here who are open to looking at this period with an unprejudiced mind. My foundation would like to partner with a foundation here and do a Swadeshi Indology conference here on this topic and set the record straight.

Another area where Britain can help heal the wounds inflicted by colonisation is in the case of honouring the Indian soldiers who gave up their lives fighting on the side of the British during the two World Wars. In the First World War, 1.3 million Indian soldiers fought on the side of the allies. More than 70,000 soldiers died, and an equal number were seriously wounded. These are very high numbers in terms of casualties and a very heavy price for India to pay. However, it is a shame that there is not even a war memorial to them in Britain. The same sort of statistics are revealed for the Secnd World War and similarly there is no honour extended to them. In fact, many military historians indeed feel that were it not for such a large number of brave Indians, Britain would have probably lost the war. It would be a great soft power move for Britain and India to work together to erect a befitting memorial to the Indian soldiers who served or laid down their lives in the two wars. The building of the memorial should not be driven by guilt, shame, blame or anger but just a wish to honour those faceless and nameless people.

It is believed that perhaps if the Indian soldiers were not there to fight on the side of Britain, Britain may well have ended up being a German colony and perhaps would be speaking German today. Hence, it is a very serious event that occurred twice in the 20th century, that we are choosing to ignore. Our ancestors, most of them Hindus or Sikhs, were the ones who ensured the continuation of Britain as a nation. It is imperative that the memorial is built for emotional and psychological reasons.

Another soft power reparation I can think of is commemorating the Jallianwala Bagh massacre. April 13, 2019, will be the 100th anniversary of the massacre. On that fateful day in 1919, General (Reginald Edward Harry) Dyer ordered his soldiers to fire upon a peaceful and unarmed gathering largely consisting of women and children. Thousands perished in the mayhem that unfolded. General Dyer had ordered his soldiers that they must fire indiscriminately till their ammunition was exhausted. However, it is not just one man, General Dyer who needs to be condemned. The shots that were fired that fateful day were fired from the guns of Indian sepoys working as police for the British. Indian sepoys killed fellow Indians in large numbers during the British period, under the orders of the British. So, Indians too need to introspect that so many of our own people sold out to the British to do this dirty work. Rarely are the sepoys censured but the killings would never have taken place if they had revolted. In a similar manner, today we have sepoys 2.0 who are severely mentally colonised and are working to destabilise and thwart any attempts at building a positive Indian grand narrative.

As the Jallianwala Bagh tragedy is a deep wound in the Indian psyche, I believe we need to do something positive, perhaps have a conference to memorialise the event. Many countries do this to deal with the unpleasant memories of the past. Germany, for instance, does teach about the holocaust without shaming its people. They talk about it in a matter of fact way as an event that happened in the past for which no one in the present is responsible. But they feel they need to talk about it so that such an event does not repeat in the future. Similarly, in the United States, they do teach about slavery in a way that allows reconciliation of blacks and whites of the present day. In a similar vein, I think it is time to set the record straight in the case of Britain and India. It is time that Indians got over the negativity that they have towards the British while the British on their part acknowledge what has happened. The anger and hatred can be discarded with an acceptance of the past and the pledge to move ahead. This is the thrust of what I call soft power reparations and it is a win-win proposition that I am making so that the two countries can move ahead as equal collaborators respectful of each other.

Britain Should Re-Evaluate Priorities

The old school Indian elite is a thing of the past with the popular mandate handing them a resounding rejection of what they stand for. Britain should therefore take cognisance of this shift in public perception and avoid giving space to the kind of intellectuals they have been patronising thus far. These intellectuals have a standard template. They obsess about the caste problems in India and, in many cases, they are the ones responsible for instigating the conflagrations.

For instance, when I met with the US Commission on religious freedom which prepares annual reports on the state of religious freedom globally, I pointed out to them that religious oppression happens in the US itself, the statistics of which have never had a mention in their annual reports for the past 15 years ever since the Commission was formed. I also mentioned to them that their overdone support for Christian evangelism in India is rather nasty. When I confronted them with evidence of the kind of strategies that are used to denigrate and demonise the native traditions in India to increase the evangelical subscriber base, the officials were quite surprised. They had never known of the low-down tactics that are used in India for conversion activities. They had been continuously fed spurious and exaggerated data through their own channels which were self-serving.

Similarly, Britain must guard against taking literally reports of evangelists from India. Their reports are often very exaggerated as their aim is to expand and increase their market share. They take recourse to the human rights discourse to feed on the gullibility of the Western people. In fact, the whole human rights discourse is heavily abused in India and feeds into what I call the Breaking India nexus. Britain, by aligning and sympathising with such forces is creating a bad name for itself in India. Britain should take some time to re-evaluate its strategies and build new alliances. It should align with those who are trying to build a positive India for all Indians, of every community and every faith. All Indians need to be part of a good positive grand narrative of India and energies must be spent in constructing this narrative instead of breaking her apart.

Britain missed the boat when yoga began to get globalised. America latched on to the opportunity and since the 1960s, Americans have discovered the enormous benefits of yoga. They are now into a phase of globalising an Americanised form of yoga. Britain actually had 200 years to recognise the benefits of yoga and yet closed its eyes to it. Britain could have decided that apart from taking money alone from India, they could have adopted some of her culture. The benefits of yoga practice are enormous for humanity. Perhaps if there had been 200 years of yogis all around the world, we might have had a much more peaceful world than the one we live in now. Currently, there is a lot happening at the cutting edge of mind sciences. Cognitive science and neuroscience is essentially taking a lot of Indian techniques like advanced meditation, the chakra techniques, the tantra techniques and so on, and doing neuroscientific empirical studies on these.

Infinity Foundation has for the past 15 years being doing research on Indian contributions to mind sciences. In March, there is a conference at Delhi University on Indian mind sciences and there are many westerners who are involved in this. I am also writing a book that talks about the unacknowledged Indian contributions in the last 50 years and more to the domain of mind sciences in the West and I am using Western evidence to establish this fact. This is a huge area for collaboration as a lot of westerners are involved in exploring new paradigms of the mind which stem from quintessentially Indian practices.

There are still more areas in which traditional Indian practices are now gaining favour and momentum in the West. For instance, vegetarianism is traditionally associated with India. However, it is gaining favour and has indeed become the buzzword in the West. Similarly, social theories of aging, multi-generational families and more are all increasingly gaining currency today and India is a natural home for this. Britain, therefore, must seize the opportunity to collaborate and help build these grand narratives which will benefit all of humanity. Britain and India can perhaps build these narratives together and jointly export them.

I will conclude by talking about something that the British could have done but which the Americans again smartly leveraged. The multi-trillion-dollar American economy runs on Indian brains in a very big way. There are more Indians in IT firms like Microsoft, IBM, Google, Facebook, Apple and in tech and science giants like Bell Labs, NASA and so on. Indians are the single largest ethnic group in the US and this includes the White Americans too. In fact, if you account for the Chinese and Japanese along with the Indians, I believe the Asians will outnumber the Americans by a long way. And, the beauty is that these professionals are not at the low-level coding job stage. I am talking about billionaires, entrepreneurs, leaders, CEOs. Britain missed the bus there. She could have utilised this immensely talented pool of professionals to become a giant in her own right.

However, Indians have a weakness despite all their brilliance. They do not have the capacity to institutionalise. They are brilliant as a man here and a man there and the Americans figured that out and got the best out of them. They gave them a home, respect, facilities and made them part of institutions where they were not held under a glass ceiling. Thus, they began to flourish, and this made USA the most preferred destination for generations of bright Indians. The last couple of generations of Indians in the US have done brilliantly for themselves. Here, I would say that this was Britain’s to take advantage of. Britain had the knowledge about India, had the clout, the political capital to do it and reap the financial benefits. But, as we have seen, Britain missed the bus on this one.

Finally, I wish to state that there is a clash of grand narratives which has been going on for a long time historically. One cannot dismantle these grand narratives to get rid of the problem. Instead, one must see how to ensure cooperation and move ahead retaining all the narratives but treating each with mutual respect. It is a challenge we all must rise to in an increasingly technology driven world. Today, one may be left leaning or right leaning but one cannot escape technology. Indians are now investing a lot in technology and they are a big resource not to be ignored. So, given these opportunities of collaboration and cooperation between Britain and India, I look forward to working with British organisations in taking the lead to explore these opportunities.

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The Indian Grand Narrative: How Britain Can Make Amends For Colonial Past

  • The disconnect between the popular mandate of the people and the warped narrative emanating from the ivory towers of the old establishment needs to be fixed.
  • The policies of Britain must be aligned to the people’s choice in India and not to the voices that have clearly been rejected and discarded.

This is an edited transcript of Rajiv Malhotra’s recent talk in the British Parliament. It was exceptionally well-received, with concrete plans being developed to carry the ideas forward. The video of this is available here.

We can easily agree that Narendra Modi is a global brand today. But who voted Modi into power? It is not any fringe or marginal group that voted him to power but a groundswell of support that catapulted Modi and this is not going away any time soon. This is the voice of the new India which has been suppressed for a few decades and is slowly regaining its vigour and vitality.

Indians have overthrown the old narrative for a new one. Despite this, people subscribing to the old and warped narrative about India still enjoy prominence overseas. The out-of-work intellectuals move their wares to London and they are warmly welcomed because they can market themselves. This disconnect between the popular mandate of the people and the warped narrative emanating from the ivory towers of the old establishment needs to be fixed. The policies of Britain must be aligned to the people’s choice in India and not to the voices that have clearly been rejected and discarded.

This is where the parallel with BREXIT can be brought in. In both instances what has been discarded and thrown by the wayside is an ultra-left “liberal” voice. This doesn’t mean in any way that liberalism isn’t good. It is just that liberalism had gone into excesses. It had become arrogant, hypocritical and in some cases outright corrupt. Hence this ideology is being rejected and overthrown not just in India and Britain but in fact in the entire world. You can see it happening as a global phenomenon. This has to, therefore, be understood in the proper context. People want that their grand narratives be restored.

Thus, BREXIT is the voice of the people demanding that its old grand narrative be restored and heard. People were dissatisfied with the new liberal narrative that was not giving them the fair treatment they deserved. Perhaps the liberal narrative had given rise to too much oppression, so as to conform to the often outlandish and intolerant liberal norms. This resulted in the eroding of pride for the heritage. It is obviously the similar sentiment that has brought Prime Minister Modi to power in India.

State Of The Indian Nation Today

Post-Independence in India, there was a measure of political autonomy for the nation. In the last 15-20 years, there has been a fair degree of economic autonomy, too. However, the decolonisation in the intellectual sphere is yet to happen. The books that are written about our culture and history are still replete with denigration and disparaging accounts of both. And this is completely an Indian problem. It cannot be blamed on anyone else. India has been free from the clutches of colonialism for 70 years now and it’s about time we did something about this skewed narrative. In the present time, people of India are disgusted with the state of affairs in the country. They are appalled at what is being taught in the schools and chaffing at the asymmetric imposition of secularism that one has to live with.

One of the most glaring and jarring examples of this skewed secularism can be seen by the example that Hindu temples in India are controlled, operated and administered by the government while churches and mosques are not. The government can take over any temple if it wants to, but it is powerless in the cases of other religious establishments. How can this be allowed in a secular state? This is simply not secularism but a kind of minority appeasement. It is not that there is anything against the upliftment of minorities. We should do so and we should respect their narratives. However, respecting one cannot be at the cost of disrespecting another. Some 80 per cent of the population cannot be trampled just to gain the votes and approval of 20 per cent of the population. This model of secularism has roundly been rejected by the electorate.

Grand Narratives And The Left

A misplaced extreme Left thinking is that dismantling and eliminating grand narratives is essential for peace and harmony. It concluded that all grand narratives are tribal and bad and that they had to be replaced with a category of human being with no sense of identity. Mao Zedong tried this in China and failed. Today, Maoism in China is dead and is replaced by the Chinese grand narrative. The shell of the Communist Party of China remains but they have brought back Confucianism, Buddhism and Taoism in a big way and they lay great emphasis on modernising without westernising. Perhaps China learnt from the fall of the Soviet Union. When the Soviet Union collapsed, there was a huge resurgence of religion which had been suppressed for a very long time. Despite the massive resources spent in educating Russians in science, scientific reason, logic and so on, the one thing that came back with extra vigour when the Soviet Union collapsed was religion. The Union of Soviet Socialist Republics (USSR) thought that it was doing away with the primitive ideas of faith. However, it was not to be, and people were very keen to understand their past. They wanted to understand their history and culture in a positive manner.

The understanding from these is that overdone secularism, atheism, and dismantling of narratives in a nasty and pejorative way has limited shelf life. Identities are important to people and unnatural suppression will be repulsed.

The first epoch of human history was about multiple grand narratives that were fighting each other. This was later replaced by the ideology which said that any kind of grand narrative is bad and that all grand narratives must be dismantled. It was believed that religion and a search for identity was the opium of the masses and, therefore, must be eliminated. However, as we have seen, that has clearly failed. This dismantling of the ultra-Left ideology in India, with similar parallels in Britain, offers an opportunity for a new kind of cooperation. The time is ripe for a third epoch in this evolution, where space must be given to grand narratives, since as we have seen the urge for one is almost impossible to eradicate. However, unlike the earlier times, the grand narratives have to coexist with mutual respect rather than in a constant state of conflict.

A New Paradigm For Grand Narratives

Two decades back I started advocating the idea of mutual respect. In 2000, there was an event at the United Nations, where the world religions were asked to deliberate and come up with a document for improving inter-faith relationships. Certain religions proposed “tolerance” as a way to ensure religious harmony. I was tasked with representing the Hindu point of view by Swami Dayanand Saraswati and I proposed that we should reject the concept of mere tolerance for mutual respect. This was met with a lot of opposition because it meant that if one truly respected another’s faith, then it would be impossible to denigrate it. It would become impossible to say that someone following a faith different from your own would be going to hell because of that. With mere tolerance, one had the licence to call another’s faith illegitimate while putting up with it.

The analogy I used was to state how insulting it would be if a husband told a wife that he was tolerating her in the house and vice versa. Another analogy was to say that a guest is tolerated. The insult is immediately evident in these cases. So, tolerance is a façade and it is disrespectful, patronising, demeaning and talking down to another person.

Tolerance must be rejected in favour of mutual respect. And mutual respect would definitely be accompanied by respect for differences. Differences between faiths and their adherents would be distinct and there would be no need to erase them. Similarly, the concept of mutual respect should be applied even in the matter of grand narratives and I think that should be the way forward for nations to work with cooperation.

Breaking India Forces: Obstacle To The New Paradigm

However, I believe that the intellectual apparatus in India has not caught up with the public sentiment which exists, simmering under the surface or in fact even explicitly expressed today through social media, which has changed the rules of the game.

The intellectual apparatus in the universities is still very anti-grand narrative, making fun of the concept and in fact even being hostile to it. I call this Hinduphobia because the Indian grand narrative is Hindu and dharmic at its core. And this anti-grand narrative discourse has given rise to Breaking India nexuses, which support the cause of separatism. It is a phenomenon observed worldwide that the roots of a violent physical conflict always lie in intellectual engineering. The first stage is the creation of the separatist identity in the intellectual sense. To achieve this end, history is manipulated, fault lines in society are created or exploited and finally the intellectual separatism fuels action on the ground leading to violent conflict as has happened in many places around the world.

The Breaking India forces are partly in India but they also have alliances internationally. The nexuses can be found in Europe, Britain, the United States and Canada or other first world nations. These forces, in academia mainly, operate under the leftist ideology which has an agenda to dismantle grand narratives. India is one country, where they have been unsuccessful in dismantling the grand narrative completely partly because it is such an old civilisational entity. Thus, India poses a very serious threat to these groups. The UK needs to leverage the opportunity provided by the popular rejection of the anti-grand narrative nexus to forge strategic and significant alliances with the India of tomorrow. The history of UK and India is inextricably intertwined, and it presents a unique opportunity for UK to come to India’s aid.

The Ravages Of British Colonialism In India

Trade was the first activity indulged in by the colonial powers. Through trade, the East India Company systematically drained and dismantled the financial, economic, commercial strength and what we call the vaishya capital of India. Next, they attacked the kshatriya capital of this country. The kshatriya capital is the military and political capital of a country and in India they dismantled this varna by ruling on behalf of the king. The British kept naive and foolish kings of India in a kind of a happily drugged state by offering them superficial ornamentation and then ruling on their behalf. They offered the king honorary gun salutes, the grandeur of being paraded on an elephant, a seat at Cambridge and facilities to play the elite game of polo and so on in lieu of the opportunity to rule the country.

The British East India Company was perhaps the first large-scale outsourcing company. They told the Indian rulers that by managing the police force they would ensure the safety and security of the ruler’s kingdom while he would still be sitting on the throne with the symbolic title of king. This successful model for outsourcing brought about the political dismantling of India. Finally, came the dismantling of the intellectual capital of India that we call the Brahmin varna. The intellectual capital was eroded by systematically replacing Sanskrit with English as the medium of teaching. It would have been great if instead of replacing one with the other, the British had allowed the Indians to retain their own language to teach their culture and ways but added to this English as another language to the milieu. But that is not what they did. In fact, it was very clearly articulated in the British parliament in the 1800s, that the one way to really subjugate the Indians was to remove their language, deny their history and snatch away their sense of self-esteem.

A point I want to emphasise here is that when I talk of these categories or varnas, I do not mean them to be defined by birth. They are to be imagined as categories of social capital. Thus, was the social capital of India depleted by the ravages of colonialism.

This depletion of social capital is now being reversed and the first part of the reversal came through political independence from the British in 1947. Economic capital is back in India since the last two decades through steady gross domestic product (GDP) growth. The last frontier remaining is the intellectual capital. That needs to be revived and this is where the grand narrative lies. This would be the return of India’s soft power.

However, in this sphere of intellectual narration, the space has been controlled and is still controlled heavily by the Left. The Indian Left has had five waves of Indology and import of ideas from the West. First on the scene was Marxism, then came post-colonial studies, followed by subaltern studies. Then came post-modernism and finally today, we have neo-orientalism. I have elaborated on these five waves elsewhere and won’t go into its particulars here. The point to note is that every one of the above theories is an imported one with no local grounding in India. The hubris and alphabet soup of all these imported ideologies has played havoc with the Indian grand narrative and devastated it in myriad ways.

Compounding the problem is the fact that there are any number of Indian intellectual sepoys working for this new kind of imperialism that is being thrust on Indians. The British are perhaps not conscious that they are being used by forces inimical to India and that they are coming off looking bad. It is necessary for the British to be more discerning in their endorsement of this band of Indian sepoys, who come to the UK screaming lack of freedom, human rights and so on in India. They are essentially looking for funding and they are likely to use your name and funds for work that is not very much appreciated in India today. Thus, it is imperative that the British people, the lawmakers and serious thinkers realign themselves with the new reality of India.

One of the ways the British could look for the re-alignment is to look at social media. Social media today is the barometer of popular appeal as opposed to old school mainstream media, which is still controlled by old institutions.

The old system is warped and on its way out. It is a system that controls the writing of text books and even the public service commission discourse in India. In order to join the Indian administrative services or foreign services, the candidates appearing for the exams are required to study authors and books that are all old-school. The questions asked in the exams are loaded with leftist ideology and, despite the common public sentiment against this kind of ideology, the present government is yet to clean up the act.

To illustrate a few things that are characteristic of this ideology we can look at their view regarding India. According to this world view, which is incidentally also reflected in the Western view of India, there was no India prior to colonisation. If there was any pre-colonial glamorous era, it was during the Muslim rule. Hence these are the only periods to be studied intensely, with all of India’s other narratives relegated to the footnotes. Even today, homegrown social theories, political theories, economic theories, like those propounded by Chanakya (Kautilya), formulated a thousand years before Machiavelli, are not taught adequately. However, there are some thinkers today writing books that compare modern economic thought with the classical Indian thought on the same.

The Benefits Of Colonialism For The British

Britain was the beneficiary of a large part of Indian knowledge and Indian power during the colonial period. If you look at the Cambridge history of world economics, you will find that until about 1750, India had about 25 per cent of the world GDP. On the other hand, the West, comprising Europe and North America combined, had less than 20 per cent of world GDP and the rest was the GDP of China. That being the case, what happened to the figures that by the early 20th century, merely 150 years later, India’s GDP had fallen to about 2 per cent and that of the West proportionately increased?

The answer lies in the history of that period. When you look at the early European scholars of India, they used to call themselves romanticists and they had a huge romance for India. However, a hundred years later, the romance began to turn sour and negative. There are copious literary accounts that will testify to this fact. Initially, they respected India’s mathematics, astronomy, philosophy, linguistics, botany, medicine and so on. However, a hundred years later, the story was quite different. The East India Company actually started steel production in India. The late Shri Dharampal spent a lot of time in the UK looking at reports from the East India Company measuring steel production, cost of steel, and so on, with some reports even arguing that some of the Indian steel was better and cheaper and should be sent to UK. In fact, some of the major construction projects requiring a lot of steel in Britain were made with Indian steel. The role of Indian textiles in Britain’s development is also legendary. If one were to take into consideration the first two products that made the British Industrial Revolution successful, they had to be textiles and steel. And if you look at what the East India Company was engaged with in India, they were textiles and steel.

Clearly, the history of what happened to Britain and India during the colonial period needs to be rewritten. Britain benefited not just from expropriating capital from India and using it as a large captive market but also from knowledge transfer from India and this history needs to be revisited. India never had the modern concept of patents and intellectual property rights in those days, and hence the knowledge transfer was free. That this transfer was all one way (from India outward) and that it has never been acknowledged needs to be set right. Britain saved a lot of revenue because Indians never knew the concept of royalty.

The history of the mediaeval period regarding India and its place in the world is so distorted and mangled. For example, if I were to ask American educators why Columbus was searching for India, perhaps one in a 100 would be able to provide me the answer. Columbus was certainly not going to India to preach human rights. But, it is a sad commentary that no one really knows these facts of history. These are gaping holes in the Indian narrative. In fact, the narrative of India is all available out there. One only needs to connect the dots and tie up the loose ends. But these connections give a whole new dimension to the Indian narrative.

To illustrate with another example, the Arabs acknowledged and respected a whole lot of mathematics and astronomy coming out of India, even giving the names of the original texts in Sanskrit or Malayalam that they were translating. But 100-200 years down the line, when these texts travelled from the Middle East to Europe after being translated in Latin, the Indian roots were erased. Hence, celebrated scientists or mathematicians like Newton or Leibnitz did not develop their theories in a vacuum. The history of the theory of infinite series is well known and well respected by historians of mathematics. They know that India was the birthplace of those as well as of the theory of the infinitesimals, which are the foundational blocks of calculus. But, the sad part is that outside of these historians, none know, least of all the Indians themselves.

So, it is imperative that we come up with a history of ideas and how ideas have travelled from east to west and vice versa like a slow version of the internet. This is a clear area of collaboration between Britain and India, to help connect these dots and rewrite the story of India’s soft power. Such a collaboration would earn the immense goodwill of the Indian people who will look at it as a tremendous gift coming back from Britain.

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गुरुओं की संरक्षा महत्वपूर्ण है

गुरु शिष्य परम्परा हिन्दू धर्मं की एक अचल कड़ी है जिस पर आक्रमण करके भारत विरोधी शक्तियां हमारी प्राचीन सभ्यता के ताने बाने को नष्ट करना चाहती हैं।

हिंदू धर्म के विधायक लक्षणों में से सबसे महत्वपूर्ण लक्षण यह है कि उसके सुदीर्घ इतिहास में समय-समय पर जीते-जागते महापुरुष व्यापक पैमाने पर प्रकट होते रहे हैं। इन्हीं महापुरुषों ने सनातन धर्म को न केवल जीवित रखा, बल्कि उसे नए संजीवनी विचारों, अंतर्दृष्टियों और व्याख्याओं से ताज़ा भी किया और बदलते समयों के लिए प्रासंगिक भी बनाया। मेरी पुस्तक, बीइंग डिफेरेंट (हिंदी में इसका शीर्षक है, विभिन्नता), समझाती है कि सत्-चित्-आनंद या सच्चिदानंद वाली वैदिक तत्व-मीमांसा ही वह शक्ति-स्रोत है जो विभिन्न परिस्थितियों में ऐसे महापुरुषों के अवतरण को संभव बनाती है। गुरुओं ने सभी समयों में सनातन धर्म के उन्नयन में अत्यंत प्रभावशाली भूमिका निभाई है।

संस्थागत “किताब पर टिका” धर्म नाजुक होता है क्योंकि उसकी भौतिक संस्थाओं, संरचनाओं आदि को नष्ट करके और उसकी पवित्र किताब को जलाकर या निषिद्ध करके उस धर्म को मिटाया जा सकता है। किंतु, हिंदू धर्म के संबंध में उसे नष्ट करने की इस तरह की कोशिशें नाकाम रहती हैं क्योंकि उसके जीवित महापुरुष उसे निरंतर पुनरुज्जीवित करते रहते हैं। साधु-संतों, महात्माओं और आचार्यों पर जन-साधारण की गहन आस्था को देखते हुए, यह स्पष्ट है कि जब तक हमारे गतिशील गुरु विद्यमान हैं, हम उन्नति करते रहेंगे।

यही कारण है कि हिंदू धर्म से नफरत करने वाली ताकतों ने हमारी परंपरा को कमजोर करने के लिए अक्सर हमारे गुरुओं पर निशाना साधा है।

हाल के दशकों में, हमने अमरीका में ओशो पर नृशंस प्रहार होते हुए देखे, यहाँ तक कि उन पर हत्या जैसे जघन्य अपराधों के आरोप भी लगाए गए। स्वामी मुक्तानंद पर, उनके दिवंगत होने के एक दशक बाद, यौन दुर्व्यवहार के आरोप लगाए गए। विंडबना यह है कि यह आरोप एक ऐसी महिला ने लगाया जो उनके जीवनकाल में उन्हीं की उत्साही शिष्या थी। स्वामी प्रभुपाद के निधन के बाद, अमरीका में इस्कॉन पर यौन उत्पीड़न के लिए मुकदमे चले। योगी अमृत देसाई को, जो 1970 के दशकों से ही श्वेत अमरीकियों को योग सिखाने वाले सबसे कर्मठ आचार्य रहे हैं, अचानक अपनी ही संस्था, कृपालु सेंटर, से इसी तरह के आरोपों का सहारा लेकर हटाया गया। जब महर्षि महेश योगी अपनी सफलता के पराकांष्ठा पर थे, तब उन्हें भी गिराने की कोशिश की गई थी। स्वामी प्रकाशानंद सरस्वति एक अन्य गुरु हैं जिन पर अमरीका में बच्चों के यौन शोषण के लिए तब आरोप लगाए गए जब वे 82 वर्ष के थे। इन आरोपियों ने दावा किया कि इन्होंने लगभग एक दशक पहले बच्चों को अवांछित रूप से स्पर्श किया था। न जाने इन आरोपियों ने इसकी शिकायत करने में इतनी देर क्यों लगा दी। इस मामले से संबंधित अतिमहत्वपूर्ण वीडियो रिकोर्डिंगों को इन आरोपियों ने “खो” दिया। फिर भी मुकदमे को निपटा रहे जजों को उन्हें 50 साल तक की कैद की सजा दिला सकने वाले आरोपों में दोषी ठहराने के लिए 50 मिनट ही लगे।

इस तरह के आक्रामक मुकदमे वाली कूटनीति भारत में भी आयातित की गई। हमने देखा कि कांची के शंकराचार्यों पर हत्या के मिथ्या आरोप लगाए गए – जो बाद में झूठे साबित हुए, लेकिन तब तक मीडिया ने रात-दिन काम करके उनकी सार्वजनिक छवि को अधिकतम नुकसान पहुँचा दिया था। जब इन शंकराचार्यों को सभी आरोपों से बरी कर दिया गया, तब मीडिया ने उनके प्रति माफी का एक शब्द भी नहीं कहा, उनके द्वारा इन शंकराचार्यों की गरिमा को जो चोट पहुँचाई गई थी, उसे दूर करने की कोशिश करना तो बाद की बात है। साधवी प्रज्ञा और आशुतोष महाराज कुछ अन्य लोग हैं जिनके अनुयायियों को दृढ़ विश्वास हो गया है कि इन पर दुर्भावना से आरोप लगाए हैं और मीडिया ने उनके साथ अन्याय किया है।

इसी प्रकार हम देखते हैं कि स्वामी नित्यानंद पर लगाए गए आरोप गलत सिद्ध हो चुके हैं, पर मिडिया ने उनके प्रति न्याय करने की जरा भी कोशिश नहीं की है। बिदादी (बैंगलूर) और वाराणसी में स्वामीजी के आश्रमों में मैंने साधना के जो अनुक्रम पूरे किए, उनके अपने अनुभव के आधार पर मैं कह सकता हूँ कि उनसे हजारों लोगों को बड़े-बड़े लाभ पहुँच रहे हैं। इनके अनुयायी बहुत ही विज्ञ युवक-युवतियाँ हैं जो अपने अधिकारों के प्रति पूरी तरह से सजग हैं और अपने अधिकारों के लिए लड़ना अच्छी तरह जानते हैं। उनके बारे में मेरी यह धारणा नहीं बन पाती कि ये ऐसे लोग हैं जिन्हें जल्दी ठगा जा सकता है, या जो किसी अनैतिक कार्य को होते हुए देखकर चुप्पी साध लेंगे।

मुझे एक सेवानिवृत्त मनोचिकित्सक ने स्वामी नित्यानंद से मिलाया था। ये महाशय अनेक वर्षों से मेरे कामों से अपने आपको अवगत रखते आ रहे थे। इसने धीरे-धीरे मेरा विश्वास जीता। (मैंने यह जरूर देखा कि यह व्यक्ति अत्यंत महत्वाकांक्षी है और यह नित्यानंद संगठन में तेज़ी से तरक्की की सीढ़ियाँ चढ़ने का उत्सुक है।) जब इसने स्वामी नित्यानंद के विरुद्ध मेरे कान भरने की कोशिश की, मैंने इसकी बातों पर यकीन कर लिया। बाद में मुझे विदित हुआ यह बस तुच्छ ईर्ष्या और वैमनस्य का मामला था क्योंकि नित्यानंद संगठन में महत्व का कोई पद अर्जित करने की इसकी अभिलाषा फलीभूत न हो सकी थी। इसलिए वह नित्यानंद संगठन का घोर शत्रु बन गया था।

तबसे, मैंने स्वयं पूछताछ करके अपनी राय कायम करने की नीति अपनाई। मैंने नित्यानंद संगठन से जुड़ी अनेक महिलाओं के साथ इन आरोपों की चर्चा की, और इसके परिणामस्वरूप मैं आश्वस्त हो गया हूँ कि यदि इन आरोपों में दम होता, ये सुशिक्षित, आत्म-विश्वासी महिलाएँ अपने गुरु के प्रति वफादार और समर्थक नहीं रहतीं। इसके अलावा, अपनी जिज्ञासा को शांत करने के लिए मैंने कुछ वकीलों की मदद से नित्यानंद के विरुद्ध पेश किए गए कानूनी प्रमाणों की भी छानबीन की। मैंने देखा कि स्वामी नित्यानंद के विरुद्ध चलाया गया कानूनी अभियान राजनीति से प्रेरित है और उसमें पारदर्शिता का संपूर्ण अभाव है। दरअसल एक स्वतंत्र, ख्यातनाम कानूनगो ने मुझे बताया कि यह मकदमा झूठे प्रमाणों के आधार पर स्वामीजी को कानून के फंदे में फँसा लेने के स्पष्ट उद्देश्य से चलाया गया है, हालाँकि यह प्रयास बिलकुल भी सफल नहीं हो पाया।

दुर्भाग्यपूर्ण बात यह है कि कानूनी मुकदमों में कोई दम न होने पर भी, वे सालों तक खींचे जा सकते हैं ताकि संबंधित पक्ष पर अधिकतम मात्रा में कीचड़ उछाला जा सके। मेरा मानना है कि आपराधिक मामले की सुनवाई शुरू हो जाने के बाद, अपराध सिद्ध करने के लिए कोई समय-सीमा होनी चाहिए और यदि इस समयावधि में अपराध सिद्ध न किया जा सके, तो आरोपित व्यक्ति को सादर बरी कर देना चाहिए और मामले को रद्द कर देना चाहिए। आखिर अधिकारियों को किसी व्यक्ति के निजी जीवन को अप्रमाणित आरोपों के जरिए नष्ट तो नहीं करना चाहिए, जैसा कि यदि ये मामले दसियों वर्षों तक सुलगते रहने पर निश्चित रूप से होगा।

इतना ही नहीं, मीडिया को ऐसा व्यवहार करने का कोई भी अधिकार नहीं है कि वही न्यायाधीश बने, मानो उसे ही किसी को दोषी ठहराने या न ठहराने के ठेका मिला हुआ हो। कानूनी कार्रवाई से जितना नुकसान होता है (यदि अंततः ये आरोप बेबुनियाद साबित होते हैं) उससे कहीं अधिक व्यापक विनाश मीडिया माफिया द्वारा मचाया जाता है। ऐसा लग रहा है कि इस माफिया ने हर उस हिंदू समर्थक को, जो अपने पक्ष को प्रभावशाली ढंग से पेश कर रहा है और सफल हो रहा है, जमीन चटाने की कसम खा रखी है । ऐसे प्रावधान होने चाहिए कि यदि मीडिया किसी पर ऐसे आरोप उछाले जो बाद में बेसिरपैर के आरोप सिद्ध होते हैं, तो उस मीडिया को माफी माँगने वाले वक्तव्य प्रकाशित करने के लिए अपने अखबारों और पत्रिकाओं में कीचड़ उछालने के लिए उसने जितना स्थान दिया था, उससे तीन गुना स्थान देना होगा, या जितना प्रसारण समय कीचड़ उछालने में उसने खर्च किया था, उससे तीन गुना समय माफी माँगने में खर्च करना होगा। इस तरह के दंडात्मक प्रावधान होने पर ही मीडिया जवाबदेह बनेगा और सरासर गैरजिम्मेदाराना कवरेज देने से बाज आएगा।

मेरी पुस्तक, ब्रेकिंग इंडिया (हिंदी में यह भारत विखंडन के नाम से प्रकाशित हुई है), में मैंने भारतीय सभ्यता के ताने-बाने को नष्ट करने के लिए देश-विदेश में अपनाए जा रहे हथकंडों का ब्योरेवार विवरण दिया है। स्वामी नित्यानंद के मामले में मैंने दिखाया है कि वे दक्षिण भारत में, विशेषकर तमिलनाड में, चर्चों द्वारा लोगों को ईसाई बनाने के प्रयासों के विरुद्ध बहुत सक्रिय रहे हैं। मैं निजी अनुभव से जानता हूँ कि भारत को तोड़ने में लगी ताकतें किस तरह से उनके लिए खतरा समझे गए लोगों और संस्थाओं के विरुद्ध बड़े ही सुनियोजित ढंग से और दृढ़तापूर्वक षडयंत्र करती हैं। इसमें सभी प्रकार की नैतिकता को वे ताक पर रख देती हैं। मैं यह बात पूरे यकीन के साथ कह सकता हूँ क्यों मैंने स्वयं इन ताकतों के हमलों का सामना किया है।

यह बहुत ही महत्वपूर्ण है कि हर हिंदू आग्रह करे कि उनके नेताओं को बेहतर रीति से न्याय मिले, खासकर उन नेताओं को जो सनातन धर्म को बचाने के लिए अपने आपको जोखिम में डालते हैं। मैं जिस नीति पर चलता हूँ वह यह है कि मैं मीडिया के बजाए स्वयं अपने गुरुओं का ही पक्ष लेता हूँ और उन पर लगाए गए आरोपों को सिद्ध करने का भार उन लोगों पर डालता हूँ जिन्होंने ये आरोप लगाए हैं। कानूनी प्रक्रिया की भी ठीक यही आवश्यकता है। मैं मीडिया द्वारा पेश किए गए नजरिए को आँख मूँदकर स्वीकार नहीं करूँगा।

सबसे महत्वपूर्ण बात यह है कि अब हिंदुओं को आंतरिक रूप से विभाजित रहना छोड़ देना चाहिए। अपने से भिन्न किसी गुरु के विचारों, रीति-रिवाजों और प्रथाओं को गलत सिद्ध करने पर बहुत अधिक जोर दिया जा रहा है। हम पर अस्तित्व का संकट मँडरा रहा है और अब हम छोटी-छोटी बातों पर इस तरह की अनंत बहसों में समय नहीं गँवाते रह सकते हैं। इतनी गंभीर चुनौति के रहते हुए भी हम एकजुट नहीं हो पा रहे हैं, यह मुझे बहुत ही अधिक निराश कर देती है। अधिकतर हिंदू नेता स्वार्थ-प्रेरित होकर जरा सा खटका होने पर ही अपनी जान बचाने की फिक्र में लग जाते हैं। वे परस्पर हाथ मिलाकर भारत को तोड़ने की मंशा रखने वाली ताकतों के विरुद्ध संगठित सैद्धांतिक मोर्चा नहीं खड़ा करते।

Hindi translation: Balasubramaniam Lakshminarayan

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लिबरल्स और मिशनरियों का गठबन्धन

राजीव मल्होत्रा और मीनाक्षी जैन के संवाद पर आधारित लेख – राजीव मल्होत्रा द्वारा वर्णित – भाग ३

ब्रिटिश संसद में, एडविन बर्क ने बहुत स्पष्ट रूप से यह कहा था कि कोई व्यक्ति थेम्स नदी के तटों से ओक वृक्ष को नहीं ले सकता है और इसे गंगा के किनारे नहीं लगा सकता है। भारतीय संस्थान उनकी आवश्यकताओं को बहुत अच्छी तरह से पूरी कर रहे थे और वे उन संस्थानों को पुनर्जीवित करना चाहते थे, बजाय उन्हें प्रतिस्थापित करने के। संसद में और भारत में ब्रिटिश अधिकारियों के बीच, एक बहुत मजबूत समूह था जो भारतीय संस्थानों को बहाल करना चाहता था। रुचिकर बात यह है कि जिस दौरान कंजरवेटिव्स इसे अकेले छोड़ने के बारे में गम्भीर थे, ये लिबरल्स थे जो भारतीय संस्थानों के साथ गड़बड़ करना चाहते थे।

हम ऐसा सोच सकते हैं कि व्यवहार करने के लिए लिबरल्स अधिक सरल हैं, कि वे हमारी ओर हैं परन्तु वास्तव में, यह लिबरल्स हैं जो भारतीय समाज के साथ छेड़छाड़ करना चाहते हैं, और जिनके पास मानव अधिकारों का यह बड़ा विचार है। मानव अधिकारों की आड़ में हस्तक्षेप करने की इस इच्छा का परिणाम धर्म-प्रचारकों (इवैंजिकल्स), अर्थात, वो जो लोग जो भारत का ईसाईकरण करना चाहते थे, और यूटिलिटियन्स या लिबरल्स, जिनमें जॉर्ज मिल और जॉन स्टुअर्ट मिल सम्मिलित थे, के बीच एक गठबन्धन में हुआ। इसलिए, ईसाई मिशनरियों और लिबरल वामपन्थ का गठबन्धन 1800 की सदी के मध्य से रहा है और इसलिए, उन लोगों का आज भी गठबन्धन कोई संयोग नहीं है। और यह बात बहुत रुचिकर है क्योंकि कंजरवेटिव्स पूंजीपति थे और केवल धन कमाना चाहता थे । उनकी रुचि हस्तक्षेप और अन्य सभी बातों में नहीं थी। हमारे लोग अच्छी तरह से पढ़े-लिखे नहीं हैं और स्वयम् को मूर्ख बनाते हैं, जब वे ईस्ट इण्डिया कम्पनी को भारत में ईसाई धर्म या मिशनरी की गतिविधि के फैलाव के साथ बराबर करते हैं ।

ऑक्सफोर्ड के पहले बोडेन प्रोफ़ेसर के रूप में वापस जाने के बाद, एच. एच. विल्सन, राम कमल सेन के साथ सम्पर्क में रहें, जो केशब चन्द्र सेन के दादा थे। उनकी राय यह थी कि भारतीयों को संस्कृत के लिए माँग को जारी रखने की आवश्यकता थी क्योंकि हमारी राष्ट्रीयता और हमारी पहचान संस्कृत के साथ कटिबद्ध थी । उन्होंने अंग्रेजी शिक्षा को बढ़ावा देने और राष्ट्रीयता के आन्दोलन को कुण्ठित करने के लिए कई भारतीयों को प्रोत्साहित किया।

इसलिए हमें यह समझना है कि बहुत सारी ऐसी चीजें जिनके लिए हम वामपन्थ को दोष देते हैं, वास्तव में हमारे अपने लोगों द्वारा इसकी माँग की गयी थी और उसके बाद वे चीज़ें लागू की गई थीं।

स्वतन्त्रता-पश्चात, अनेक भारतीयों ने यह सोचा कि यदि उन्होंने पश्चिम की नक़ल करना प्रारम्भ की, तो वे महत्वपूर्ण हो जाएँगे। इसलिए एक ‘गोरा साहिब’ बनना सम्मान का एक बिल्ला था क्योंकि गोरा आदमी होने से अगली सबसे अच्छी बात, किसी गोरे आदमी की तरह सोचना है। इसलिए, यह हमारे स्वयम् के लोग हैं जिन्होंने इन विदेशी विचारों का भारत में आयात किया।

मूर्तिभंजन

अब मैं मूर्तिभंजन के बारे में बात करना चाहूँगा जो मूर्तियों को तोड़-फोड़ देने, मूर्तियों को जला देने या चोरी करने की ईसाई और इस्लामी आदत और विचारधारा है और मीनाक्षी जैन ने एक बहुत रणनीतिक तरीके से इस मुद्दे पर कार्य किया है। भारत में वामपन्थी इतिहासकार सामान्य तौर पर मूर्तिभंजन को कम करके दिखाते हैं और क्षति और बर्बरता की सीमा को कम से कम करते हैं। अनेक पश्चिमी इतिहासकारों ने भी उनके दृष्टिकोण का समर्थन किया है। उनके अनुसार, मन्दिरों का “तथाकथित” विनाश ब्रिटिश द्वारा गढ़ा गया एक मिथक था क्योंकि वे नहीं चाहते थे कि हिन्दू और मुसलमान एक समुदाय के रूप में रहें। रिचर्ड ईटन ने एक लेख “भारतीय-मुस्लिम राज्यों में मन्दिर का विनाश” लिखा जिसमें उन्होंने कहा कि एक हजार वर्षों के दौरान, अधिक से अधिक 80 मन्दिर नष्ट किए गए थे। रिचर्ड डेविस जिन्होंने एक पुस्तक “भारतीय छवियों के जीवन” लिखी, यह उल्लेख करते हैं कि तुर्कों के आने से पहले, भारत में मूर्तियों को चोरी करने या तोड़-फोड़ देने का पहले से ही एक स्थापित अभ्यास था और तुर्क स्थापित अभ्यास का केवल पालन कर रहे थे। अन्य लोगों के बीच, शेल्डन पोलक तक इस कथा से सहमत हैं और इसका निहितार्थ यह है कि हिन्दुओं को मुसलमानों द्वारा अपनी मूर्तियों को नष्ट करने के बारे में शिक़ायत नहीं करनी चाहिए क्योंकि मुसलमानों से पहले, हिन्दू स्वयम् ऐसा करते रहते थे।

मीनाक्षी जैन ने इन वामपन्थी विद्वानों द्वारा उद्धृत किए गए स्रोतों की व्यवस्थित रूप से परीक्षा की है और उनका तात्कालिक अवलोकन यह रहा है कि जिन स्रोतों को वे उद्धृत करते हैं, उनके बीच व्यवहारिक रूप से कोई हिन्दू स्रोत नहीं हैं। वह कहती है कि हिन्दू स्रोतों को ढूँढने के बजाय, उन्होंने किसी चढ़ाई या आक्रमण से पहले मूर्तियों को हटाए जाने और बाद में, जब धमकी ग़ुज़र गई थी, फिर से बहाल किए जाने के उदाहरणों का शोध किया है।

“सारी बातों के बाद, यदि हिन्दुओं पर इतना अधिक क़हर ढाया जा रहा था तो कहीं न कहीं पर इसके बारे में कुछ रिकॉर्ड अवश्य होना चाहिए। हिन्दुओं ने इसे आधुनिक इतिहासकारों के रूप में नहीं लिखा हो सकता है, परन्तु उन्होंने अपने अनुभव को कहीं न कहीं रिकॉर्ड किया होगा। और मैंने उस प्रमाण को ढूँढना प्रारम्भ किया और उसके बाद मैंने सोचा, तो मैंने खोजा कि इस विषय से निपटने का एक बेहतर तरीका यह पता करना है कि मूर्ति का क्या हुआ। क्योंकि मन्दिर विशाल संरचनाएँ थे, इसलिए उन्हें संरक्षित करना सम्भव नहीं था। परन्तु मूर्तियों को संरक्षित किया जा सकता था। इसलिए, क्या छवि, मूर्ति को संरक्षित करने के लिए कोई प्रयास किया गया था? और मुझे पता चला कि कुछ विद्वानों ने इस पर काम किया है परन्तु मैंने पाया कि कितनी सावधानी से हिन्दुओं ने अपने देवताओं को संरक्षित करने का प्रयास किया और उन्हें संरक्षित करने के लिए वे किस सीमा तक गए। और इतनी शताब्दियों के बाद, उन्होंने छवियों को एकदम उन्हीं मन्दिरों में पुनर्स्थापित करने का प्रयास किया।

अपने बिन्दु को समर्थन देने के लिए, वह कोल्हापुर में 9वीं शताब्दी के महालक्ष्मी मन्दिर के उदाहरण को उद्धरित करती हैं, जिस स्थल पर, संयोग से, शक्ति माता या माता देवी की पहले की गई पूजा का प्रमाण भी है। जब दक्षिणी भारत पर इस्लामी चढ़ाई प्रारम्भ हुई, तब छवि मन्दिर से गुम हो गई और मन्दिर के परिसर का उपयोग स्थानीय प्रशासन के कार्यालय के रूप में किया जाना प्रारम्भ हुआ। उसके बाद, शताब्दियों बाद जब सम्भाजी द्वितीय 18वीं शताब्दी में कोल्हापुर के शासक थे, तब उन्होंने व्यक्त किया कि हिन्दू मूर्ति को फिर से स्थापित करने की स्थिति में थे और उन्होंने मूर्ति को ढूँढना प्रारम्भ किया। उन्हें मूर्ति किसी भक्त के घर में मिली और उसके बाद छवि को उस मन्दिर में फिर से स्थापित किया गया और इसकी पूजा किया जाना आज भी जारी है। इसलिए, यह कहने के बजाय कि मन्दिर के विनाश और मूर्ति के अपवित्रीकरण और बर्बरता के कोई हिन्दू रिकॉर्ड नहीं हैं, कोई व्यक्ति एक विपरीत प्रस्ताव रख सकता है कि यह तथ्य कि मूर्तियों को भक्तों द्वारा छुपाया गया था या स्थानान्तरित किया गया था एक स्थापित सत्य है ।

इसके अलावा, जब वामपन्थी इतिहासकार यह कहते हैं कि यह हिन्दू राजाओं के लिए भी एक अभ्यास था कि वे मन्दिरों पर चढ़ाई करे तब उनका निहितार्थ यह है कि हिन्दू राजा वास्तव में उन छवियों को नष्ट कर रहे थे। परन्तु राजा वास्तव में जो कर रहे थे, वह इसे स्थानान्तरित करना, इसे अपने अधिकार में लेना या इसके सम्मान में अपना स्वयम् का मन्दिर बनाना था। हिन्दू राजाओं द्वारा मूर्तियों को अपने अधिकार में लेने के शायद केवल आधा दर्जन ऐसे उदाहरण हैं और, अधिक महत्वपूर्ण रूप से, मूर्तियों को बहुत उच्च सम्मान में, अत्यधिक पूजनीय और शक्तिशाली आध्यात्मिक शक्ति के साथ रखा जाता था। उन्हें अत्यन्त पूजनीयता और भक्ति के साथ फिर से स्थापित किया जाता था। यह मुस्लिम शासकों के अभ्यासों के एकदम विपरीत था जो टूटी हुई मूर्तियों को मस्जिद की सीढ़ियों पर फेंकते थे ताकि श्रद्धालु उन्हें रौंद सके और पीस सक धूल में मिला सकें। इसलिए, किसी मूर्ति को हिन्दू राजाओं द्वारा अपने अधिकार में लेने और किसी मुस्लिम आक्रमणकारियों के मूर्तियों को नष्ट करने के बीच की तुलना एक झूठा सादृश्य है और दोनों को ऐसे बराबर करना जैसे कि उनके बीच में कोई अन्तर नहीं है, अकादमिक रूप से अनुपयुक्त है।

विपरीत-साहित्य की अनुपस्थिति

मैं विभिन्न प्रकार के विरोधियों के साथ व्यवहार करता हूँ, जिनमें सम्मिलित हैं – पश्चिमी विद्वानों, उनके जाने-पहचाने क्षेत्र पर और भारतीय वामपन्थी जो उन्हें समर्थन दे रहे हैं और, वास्तव में, दोनों एक साथ काम कर रहे हैं। हिन्दू बुद्धिजीवियों के मामले में मुझे शैक्षणिक कठोरता का अभाव, ईर्ष्या और ख़राब अकादमिक मानकों जैसी समस्याएँ मिली हैं। हम अनेक सम्मेलनों, मन्थनों और शिखर सम्मेलन करवाते रहते हैं और बहुत से लोग अन्दर आ जाते हैं और राय देते हैं और ठोस शोध को प्रस्तुत करने की बजाय, भावनात्मक विस्फोटों का सहारा लेते हैं। बहुत सारे लोग इन जगहों पर जमे रहते हैं, एक मेले से अगले मेले तक जाते हैं और वे वास्तव में कुछ भी उत्पादन नहीं कर रहे हैं। मीनाक्षी जैन भी इस दृष्टिकोण से सहमत हैं और कहती हैं कि तथाकथित हिन्दू बुद्धिजीवियों के बीच, नारेबाज़ी, वास्तविक शोधों अधिक महत्वपूर्ण है। वह कहती है:

 “क्या आपको पता है कि अनेक बार जब मैंने शोध करना प्रारम्भ किया, तब मैं कुछ पश्चिमी विद्वानों से मिलूँगी और वे कहेंगे कि आप हमारे लेखन और वामपन्थी लेखन के बारे में इतना विक्षुब्ध हैं, कृपया हमें ऐसा विपरीत साहित्य दें, जो हम पढ़ सकें, और कोई विपरीत साहित्य नहीं है।

नई सरकार ने इस सम्बन्ध में सहायता नहीं की है क्योंकि मैं पा रही हूँ कि पुराने सिपाही जो किसी पार्टी या राजनेता के प्रति वफादार रहे हैं, उन्हें इन प्रकार के पद मिलते हैं और, वास्तव में, उनके प्रवचन के मानदण्ड काफ़ी घटिया हैं। इसके अलावा, हिन्दु निकायों ने किसी भी विशिष्ट मुद्दे पर महत्वपूर्ण शोध नहीं किया है और न ही उन्होंने शैक्षिक आउटपुट का उत्पादन या इसे सुविधा देने में सहायता की है। इस प्रकार, किसी व्यक्ति को वामपन्थी बुद्धिजीवियों के लेखन पर भरोसा करना पड़ता है क्योंकि उन्होंने विभिन्न सामाजिक-राजनीतिक और साँस्कृतिक मुद्दों पर बहुत लेखना का उत्पादन किया है। इसलिए, ये मीनाक्षी और मेरे जैसे फ्रीलांसर्स हैं जिन्होंने विश्वसनीय ध्यानकेन्द्रित शोध का उत्पादन किया है। ऐसा नहीं है जैसे कि हिन्दू संगठनों ने हमारी सहायता की है।

धार्मिक परिप्रेक्ष्य से बहुत सा लेखन केवल तभी आएगा जब हिन्दू पक्ष में अच्छे विद्वान होंगे और अब तक उन्होंने अच्छे विद्वानों का उत्पादन नहीं किया है। विद्वानता का गर्भकाल लम्बा होता है और इसे संसाधनों और समय के सन्दर्भ में भारी निवेश की आवश्यकता होती है। अनेक विद्वानों में पर्याप्त प्रतिस्पर्धात्मकता का अभाव है और तार्किक तर्क करने की उनकी क्षमता नहीं है, परन्तु वे तपस्या किए बिना, प्रसिद्धि पाना चाहते हैं। मीनाक्षी जैन सहमत हैं और उनका अवलोकन है कि शोध करने की इच्छा को स्वयम् के भीतर से आना पड़ता है और एक व्यक्ति को अपनी स्थिति के औचित्य के बारे में बहुत क़ायल होना पड़ता है और एक उपयोगी लेखन का उत्पादन करने के लिए, अपने जीवन के अनेक वर्षों का बलिदान करने के लिए इच्छुक होना पड़ता है। कड़ी मेहनत के साथ जुड़ी हुई कोई महिमा और ग्लैमर नहीं है।

अनेक विद्वान ऐसे लगते हैं जैसे उन्हें ऐसे बौद्धिक काम के बारे में कुछ भी पता नहीं है जो किया जा रहा है जिसका उन्हें खण्डन करना पड़ता है। वे प्रतिद्वन्द्वी का पर्याप्त पूर्व-पक्ष नहीं करते हैं। उनमें से कुछ बस आलसी या अयोग्य हैं और आगे बढ़ने के लिए राजनीतिक प्रतिष्ठानों की अच्छी किताबों में शीघ्रतापूर्वक जाने में अधिक रुचि रखते हैं। उनमें से कुछ बस यहाँ से विचारों का अनधिकृत शिकार करते हैं, और साहित्यिक चोरी करते हैं और फूलों की तरह चुनते हैं और एक नया ब्लॉग या एक लेख लिखते हैं। भले ही हमारे पास पोलक के कामों पर 10 ट्रैक्स और 10 पैनल्स हैं, और हम यह व्यक्त करते हुए कि हम प्रोत्साहित करने और छात्रवृत्ति देने के लिए तैयार हैं, पेपर के लिए एक आह्वान होता है, तब भी अधिकतर प्रतीकी स्वयम्-घोषित हिन्दू विद्वान उनके काम को नहीं पढ़ते हैं और नहीं पढ़ना चाहते हैं। फिर भी वे रायों से भरे हुए हैं। मीनाक्षी जैन कहती हैं:

“तो मैंने उनमें से एक को बताया, मैंने कहा कि आप इरफ़ान हबीब, आदि के बारे में जानते हैं, परन्तु मुद्दा यह है कि पश्चिमी विद्वानों की अगली पीढ़ी के बारे में क्या जो इन लोगों के काम को जारी रख रहे हैं। मैंने कहा कि भारत में वामपन्थी विद्वानों की दूसरी पीढ़ी इस वैचारिक लड़ाई से बाहर निकलने का विकल्प चुन रही और विशुद्ध रूप से शैक्षणिक विषयों पर कठोर शोध कर रही हो सकती है, परन्तु पश्चिमी विद्वानों की एक नई पीढ़ी है जिन्होंने इतने अधिक काम का उत्पादन किया है। क्या आप ऐसा नहीं सोचते हैं कि आपको उसका विरोध करना है? परन्तु उन्हें नामों तक का पता नहीं है।

मेरे बहुत से काम का उपयोग, किसी भी सन्दर्भों या देय क्रेडिट को दिए बिना, उनके स्वयम् के नाम में, इन्हीं (हिन्दू विद्वानों) द्वारा किया गया है। ज्ञान की भुखमरी वाले राजनीतिक ढाँचे में आगे निकलने के लिए, वे मेरे काम की बस प्रतिलिपि करते हैं। वर्तमान हिन्दू राजनीतिक ढाँचा बहुत ज्ञान की भुखमरी वाला और शोध की भुखमरी वाला है, और इसलिए, ऐसे लोग हैं जो आगे निकलने के लिए उस निर्वात को भरना चाहते हैं, और वे अपने लक्ष्यों को हासिल करने के लिए बेईमान साधनों का उपयोग करते हैं। तो यह एक समस्या है।

जैसा मीनाक्षी जैन सही तौर पर इंगित करती हैं, यह आश्चर्यजनक बात है कि हिन्दू बौद्धिक रूप से कितने दुर्बल बन गए हैं। सबसे अधिक प्रतिकूल परिस्थितियों और चुनौतीपूर्ण परिस्थितियों तक में, हिन्दु गतिशील थे, विरोधियों का पर्याप्त पूर्व पक्ष किया करते थे, यह जानते थे कि हर परिस्थिति को कैसे सँभालना है और अपनी पहचान और उनकी संस्कृति को संरक्षित किया करते थे। वे उसके बारे में बहुत ही जागरूक और गर्वयुक्त थे जिसे वो अपनी संस्कृति या अपनी विरासत के रूप में मानते थे। अब हिन्दू मन का दुर्बलीकरण नियम है और मैं इसे हिन्दुओं का मोरॉनीकरण कहता हूँ, एक ऐसी स्थिति जहाँ बौद्धिक रूप से अधिक जागरूकता नहीं है।

भावी स्वदेशी इण्डोलॉजी श्रृंखला

हम रोमिला थापर, इरफ़ान हबीब, उनके छात्रों, जो विचारों का एक विशिष्ट स्कूल है, की तरह के इतिहासकारों का खण्डन करने पर एक भावी स्वदेशी इण्डोलॉजी श्रृंखला को विकसित कर रहे हैं और पेपर के लिए आह्वान करेंगे और उसे लेने के लिए नए, युवा विद्वानों को इसके अन्दर लाएँगे और प्रोत्साहित करेंगे। यदि हम विद्वानों का निर्माण करना चाहते हैं, तो हमें लक्षित विषय होने की आवश्यकता है और हम भारत के युवा इतिहासकारों और राजनीतिक विचारकों के सबसे अच्छे मस्तिष्कों को पाना चाहते हैं। हम एक ध्यानकेन्द्रित दृष्टिक

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Bending Yoga to Serve Western Collective Ego Means It Isn’t True Yoga Anymore

  • Yoga is becoming popular. But the Yoga which is being accepted more and more now is less and less the real, pure Yoga.

Just like there is an individual ego (“I’m Rajiv”), there is also a collective ego. So, someone might say, “I’m born in Florida”, “I’m born in New Jersey, and I come from this heritage”, “this is my history,”, “these are my ancestors”, “I belong to this religion”, or live by the narrative of “the original sin to salvation to heaven or hell”. This belief, the grand narrative or the whole story which people are born into, is taught in churches, schools and so on.

Dissolution of the ego through Yoga also has an equivalent requirement – the dissolution of the collective ego.

But then, why does a westerner, who takes to Yoga as a path of dissolution, make a U-turn? It is not always because the individual ego wants to capture and highjack Yoga. The individual has done a really good job of dissolving his personal ego. But when he returns to his culture, there is pressure from the family, from media and neighbours. In place of the sangha, or the commune of seekers, where he was very safe in the Ashram, he is now back into the sort of a congregation of the Church environment or his medical school where everyone dismisses it all as mumbo-jumbo. So, there still is a collective ego and he’s a member of that.

It’s like a community where it’s like a jati, a huge jati. The whole of western civilisation is like a huge jati, which has a got a lot of membership benefits. So, even after he has successfully gotten rid of personal ego, he is a member of this huge collective jati. And since it is too big a deal to get out of it, he begins to negotiate with it.

First, he negotiates as a true Yogi. He says, “No, I like the Yoga. I like my Ayurvedic food. I like my symbols. I like my Guru. I like all that”.

But if he is not very strong to counter the power of the collective ego, he begins to break down; and the rewards are anyway too many. The fear of being blacklisted and declared an outcaste is too much; so he begins to compromise, little by little.

He starts compromising by saying, “I will keep all this private. I know it is true, but in public, I will say something else to make them happy”.

So, first, there is a split between the private and and the social. This is, precisely, what Yoga says you shouldn’t do. So, socially he wants to play by one set of rules and so when he goes home and talks to parents and neighbours, and he wants to be just the way they expect him to be – compliant. While privately he is anchored in the Yoga.

People are subject to this idea of heritage, birth-based ancestry, where you came from, identities, collective identities and so on. So, everybody’s got this problem. But some of these identity narratives, because it comes from what you’ve been told, are a myth; that Ego has its myth.

This collective narrative has its own story – some true, some false, some wishful thinking, exaggeration and all of that. So these narratives, these identities are not all the same in terms of power. Some have had an aggressive expansionist mission with a mandate from God that you should take over the world. Some have it written and codified that you should go and take over the world. So, this ego has had a world conquest ambition. The Native American tribes also have an ego, but they never had this ambition to take over the whole earth, their fishing areas were adequate for them to do their own thing. So, because there is an asymmetry of power, the ones with more power and more ambition built into them have created a second kind of problem – a problem of too much aggression and too much hijacking. Those egos, I think, are more important to address now.

A tribe may have its own ego, and so can an individual tribesman. If Rajiv is a Native American belonging to a tribe and you’re deconstructing his personal ego, that’s good enough. Because while I have a tribal ego, it’s not harming anyone else. It might be a problem for my own evolution, but I am not out there all over the world trying to assert myself. That’s one point I wanted to make before I move on.

Yoga is becoming popular. But the Yoga which is being accepted more and more now is less and less the real, pure Yoga.

There are two things happening: as Yoga gets diluted and as the west changes Yoga, domesticates it, it becomes more and more popular. So, this raw, original, wild form of yoga is getting domesticated and becoming more and more popular. More and more people are happy to have it in their garden because it is not so “dangerous” (to Abrahamic beliefs).

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अयोध्या विवाद और सती प्रथा

राजीव मल्होत्रा और मीनाक्षी जैन के संवाद पर आधारित लेख – राजीव मल्होत्रा द्वारा वर्णित – भाग २

इरफ़ान हबीब पूर्व-विख्यात वामपन्थी विद्वानों में से एक है जिन्होंने अयोध्या विवाद पर बहुत कुछ लिखा है। इस विषय पर उनका लेखन बहुत विवादास्पद है। उन्होंने ऐसे हर प्रमाण को नष्ट किया है, अथवा फेंक देने, रद्द करने या अस्वीकार करने का प्रयास किया है, जो हिन्दुत्व के इस दृष्टिकोण को सत्यापित करता है कि इस स्थल पर पहले एक मन्दिर था। मीनाक्षी जैन इस बात को इंगित करती हैं कि वामपन्थी इतिहासकारों द्वारा जिस प्रत्येक बिन्दु की तुरही बजाई गई थी, उसे न्यायालय और गम्भीर विद्वानों द्वारा दोषपूर्ण पाया गया था। वामपन्थी इतिहासकारों के अनुसार, अयोध्या विवाद का विनिर्माण उन्नीसवीं शताब्दी में अंग्रेजों ने अपनी ‘फूट डालो और राज करो‘ की नीति के अन्तर्गत किया था। वे दृढ़तापूर्वक कहते हैं कि उससे पहले उस स्थल पर किसी भी मन्दिर का कोई प्रमाण नहीं है और उन्होंने कहा कि राम की पूजा स्वयम् में एक बहुत ही देर से हुई घटना थी जो १८वीं या १९वीं शताब्दी से अधिक पहले की नहीं थी।

मीनाक्षी जैन दृढ़तापूर्वक कहती हैं कि ऐसे दस्तावेज़ उपलब्ध हैं जो वामपन्थी दृष्टिकोण को पूरी तरह से साखहीन बताते हैं। अंग्रेजों ने महान विद्रोह के बाद १८५८ में अवध पर शासन करना प्रारम्भ किया था और उस समय के बाद से, अयोध्या विवाद पर सभी रिकॉर्ड्स को फ़ैज़ाबाद जिला न्यायालय में रखा गया था। यहाँ तक कि आज भी, लगभग १५० वर्ष के बाद, दस्तावेज़ बिना हानि पहुँचे बचे गए हैं। पहला प्रासंगिक दस्तावेज़ वर्ष १८५८ से है और यह अवध के थानेदार द्वारा दायर की गई एक प्राथमिकी है कि २५ सिख बाबरी मस्जिद के अन्दर चले गए हैं और उन्होंने हवन और पूजा प्रारम्भ की है। उसके दो दिन बाद, मुतावली या बाबरी मस्जिद के अधीक्षक ने भी फ़ैज़ाबाद अदालत में भी एक मामला दायर किया जिसमें वो व्यक्त करते हैं कि ये सिख मस्जिद के परिसर में प्रवेश कर गए थे, उन्होंने कोयले से मस्जिद की दीवारों पर राम का शब्द लिखा था और वो पूजा और हवन कर रहे थे। वह इस तथ्य को भी दृढ़तापूर्वक कहते हैं कि इस घटना से पहले, हिन्दू बाबरी मस्जिद के परिसर पर अधिकार और इसके नियन्त्रण में पहले से ही थे जिसे वे भगवान राम के जन्म स्थान के रूप में मानते थे। इलाहाबाद उच्च न्यायालय ने इसे मामले पर प्रभाव डालने वाले एक महत्वपूर्ण तथ्य के रूप में माना था, कि एक मुस्लिम स्रोत था जिसका कहना है कि १८५८ से, हिन्दू परिसर के अन्दर और बाहर हैं।

१८५८ से लेकर १९४९ तक, जब मूर्ति को बाबरी मस्जिद में रखा गया था, अयोध्या मुद्दे पर हिन्दू और मुस्लिमों के बीच अनेक अदालती मामले हुए हैं। १८८८ में, बाबरी मस्जिद के मुतावली ने अदालत में एक मामला दायर किया था, यह व्यक्त करते हुए कि तब तक, राम नवमी और कार्तिक मेले के दौरान, भारी भीड़ को समायोजित करने के लिए, हिन्दू बाबरी मस्जिद के अन्दर प्रसाद की दुकान, फूलों की दुकानें, फलों की दुकानें लगाया करते थे और आमदनी को बराबर बाँटते थे जो दोनों पक्षों के लाभ के लिए काम करता था। परन्तु अचानक उस वर्ष जन्मस्थान के महन्त ने बाबरी मस्जिद के अधिकारियों से परामर्श किए बिना, साझा करने के आधार को एकतरफा तौर पर बदल दिया था, जिन्होंने (बाबरी मस्जिद के अधिकारियों) ब्रिटिश अधिकारियों से अनुरोध किया था कि कृपया पुराने ५०-५० साझा करने के आधार को दोबारा बहाल करें।

अयोध्या विवाद पर मुस्लिम लेखकों द्वारा हाल ही में दो लेखन हैं। एक के.के. मोहम्मद की आत्मकथा है, जो एएसआई के साथ एक पुरातत्वविद् थे। उनके अनुसार, जब १९८९ में विवाद उठा था, तो मुसलमानों के बीच एक बहुत ही गम्भीर विचार था कि स्थल को हिन्दुओं को सौंप दिया जाना चाहिए क्योंकि यह उनके लिए इतने अधिक महत्व का था। परन्तु वामपन्थी इतिहासकारों के एक समूह ने मुसलमानों  को इस बात के लिए राज़ी किया कि मुसलमानों का एक मजबूत मामला है और इसे अदालत में लड़ना चाहिए और इसने पक्षों को इस समस्या के किसी सौहार्दपूर्ण समाधान को खोजने से रोक दिया। इसलिए, यह वामपन्थी हैं, जिन्होंने हिन्दू और मुसलमानों के बीच एक दरार बनाई। दोनों समुदाय इसे सुलझाने के लिए पर्याप्त तैयार थे।

एक और विवरण किशोर कुणाल द्वारा है, जो प्रधानमन्त्रियों वी पी सिंह और चन्द्रशेखर के आधीन ऑफ़िसर ऑन स्पेशल ड्यूटी थे, जो इस बात की बहुत सारी आन्तरिक जानकारी प्रदान करता है कि बहुत सारे मुद्दों पर वामपन्थियों ने कैसे गुमराह किया।

ऐसा कोई मध्ययुगीन स्रोत नहीं है जो यह सुझाव देता है कि बाबरी मस्जिद का निर्माण बंजर ज़मीन पर किया गया था। ये सब स्पष्ट रूप से कहते हैं कि राम मन्दिर को ध्वस्त किया गया था और उस स्थल पर एक मस्जिद खड़ी की गई थी। सोलहवीं शताब्दी से फारसी स्रोत अयोध्या को राम की जन्मभूमि के रूप में सन्दर्भिंत करने से भरे हुए हैं। सोलहवीं शताब्दी में अबुल फ़ज़ल लिखते हैं कि अयोध्या पवित्र है क्योंकि यह राम के जन्म का पवित्र स्थान है। फिर १६०० में, अकबर ने लगभग छः बीघा ज़मीन हनुमान टीला को दी थी, वहाँ पर जो कुछ भी वो चाहते थे, उसे बनाने के लिए। फ़ारसी में लिखे गए उस अनुदान का लगभग १७२३ में नवीनीकरण किया जाना था और लेखक उल्लेख करता है कि वह अकबर के आदेश के अन्तर्गत और राम के जन्म की भूमि से, उस अनुदान को लिख रहा है। उसके बाद, बाबरी मस्जिद के मुतावली ने १८५० के दशक में दो याचिकाओं को ब्रिटिश को भेजा और दोनों याचिकाओं में वह अपने स्थान का उल्लेख मस्जिद-ए-जन्मस्थान के रूप में करते हैं, जिसका शाब्दिक अर्थ ‘जन्म-स्थान पर मस्जिद’ है। इतिहास के ऐसे अनेक खाते हैं जिन्हें १८वीं शताब्दी में मुस्लिमों द्वारा लिखा गया था जो सभी इस स्थल को जन्मस्थान कहते हैं। मोहम्मद शोएब द्वारा लिखी गई एक रिपोर्ट है जिन्होंने ऐसे शिलालेखों के बारे में लिखा जो उन्हें बाबरी मस्जिद में मिले थे। उनके अनुसार, जिन तीन शिलालेखों का उन्होंने अध्ययन किया था, उनमें से एक बहुत स्पष्ट रूप से कहता है कि यह मस्जिद एक राम मन्दिर के स्थल पर बनाई गई है। परन्तु महत्वपूर्ण यह है कि किसी और व्यक्ति ने उस शिलालेख को नहीं देखा है और यह समझना रुचिकर होगा कि इसे कब हटाया गया था और इस रिपोर्ट को सौ वर्षों से अधिक के लिए सार्वजनिक क्यों नहीं किया गया था।

एक शिलालेख के बारे में भी विवाद है, जिसे, वामपन्थी ऐसा कहते हैं, इस स्थल पर धोखे से रखा गया था। ६ दिसम्बर १९९२ को, जब बाबरी मस्जिद को ध्वस्त किया गया था, तब ५ फीट x २ फीट का एक बड़ा शिलालेख मस्जिद की दीवारों से बरामद किया गया था। उस शिलालेख को इलाहाबाद उच्च न्यायालय के आदेशों पर एएसआई के पुरालेख विभाग द्वारा कूटमुक्त किया गया था। शिलालेख स्पष्ट रूप से यह व्यक्त करता है कि यह एक विष्णु-हरि मन्दिर है और मन्दिर के सभी विवरण देता है, इसे किसने बनाया था, इसे कब बनाया गया था और इस तरह से अन्य। यह अकाट्य प्रमाण था कि मन्दिर वास्तव में वहाँ था और यह कि विवादित ढाँचे का निर्माण मन्दिर को ध्वस्त करने के बाद किया गया था। परन्तु वामपन्थी इतिहासकारों, विशेष रूप से इरफ़ान हबीब, ने जोर देकर कहा कि यह “विष्णु-हरि” शिलालेख बाबरी मस्जिद के मलबे से बरामद नहीं किया गया था, परन्तु लखनऊ संग्रहालय से चोरी किया गया था और वहाँ पर जान-बूझ कर रखा गया गया था। इसलिए यह एक रुचिकर प्रश्न तक ले जाता है कि इस शिलालेख को विवादित स्थल पर हजारों लोगों और मीडिया की उपस्थिति में उस दिन जान-बूझ कर कैसे रखा जा सका। और इससे भी अधिक महत्वपूर्ण रूप से, यह इस विवादास्पद प्रश्न को सम्बोधित करने का प्रयास नहीं करता है कि शिलालेख को लखनऊ संग्रहालय से जब चोरी किया गया था।

किशोर कुणाल, जो एक सेवानिवृत्त आईपीएस अधिकारी और संस्कृत के विद्वान हैं, प्रधानमंत्री कार्यालय में एक बहुत प्रभावशाली व्यक्ति थे और उन्होंने लखनऊ संग्रहालय से उस शिलालेख का एक चित्र हासिल किया था और लखनऊ संग्रहालय की डायरी प्रविष्टियाँ को देखने में कामयाब रहे, जो यह कहती थीं कि यह शिलालेख १९५३ में लखनऊ संग्रहालय में रखा गया था और यह शिलालेख का वर्णन करता है। इसलिए इस शिलालेख का चित्र जो लखनऊ संग्रहालय में है, वास्तव में एक अन्य मन्दिर, त्रेताकथा मन्दिर, से है और यह विष्णु-हरि शिलालेख के विवरण से मेल नहीं खाता है। ऐसे स्पष्ट प्रमाणों के बावजूद, वामपन्थी इतिहासकारों ने इन घटनाओं पर कभी भी प्रतिक्रिया नहीं दी और ऐसे किसी भी प्रमाण को पूरी तरह से अनदेखा किया जो उनकी कहानी के विरुद्ध था। मीनाक्षी जैन के अनुसार, इलाहाबाद उच्च न्यायालय में बयानों के आधार पर, यह स्पष्ट है कि अयोध्या विवाद में सम्मिलित इन वामपन्थी-विद्वानों में से ज्यादातर इतिहास की मूल बातों तक के बारे में पूरी तरह से अज्ञानी थे। छः विद्वान, इरफ़ान हबीब, आर एस शर्मा, रोमिला थापर, डी एन झा, सूरज भान और मण्डल सबसे आगे थे, जिनमें इरफ़ान हबीब सबसे सक्रिय थे।

इन वामपन्थी विद्वानों ने इस विवाद को समुदायों के बीच एक लड़ाई में बदल दिया है और अब भले ही वे धुँधले हो सकते हैं, समुदाय इससे परे जाने में जल्दी से सक्षम नहीं होने वाले हैं। उन्होंने इसे वोट-बैंक के निहितार्थों वाले एक राजनीतिक मुद्दे में लयबद्ध कर दिया है और इस प्रकार, अयोध्या का कोई भी उल्लेख जोशीली झड़पों और यहाँ तक कि दंगे होने तक ले जाता है। मुस्लिम और हिन्दू समुदायों के बीच, यह प्रतिष्ठा और लाज रखने का एक मामला बन गया है जिसका कोई हल नज़र नहीं आता है। फिर भी, मीनाक्षी जैन के अनुसार, कम से कम वैचारिक रूप से तो लड़ाई जीत ली गई है, क्योंकि भारत में वामपन्थी इतिहासकारों की अगली पीढ़ियाँ बाबरी मस्जिद विवाद में स्वयम् को सम्मिलित करने के लिए अब और इच्छुक नहीं हैं। वह कहती हैं:

इस परिस्थिति में जो विमोचनकारी गुण है, मेरे अनुसार, वह यह है कि वामपन्थी इतिहासकारों की अगली अधिक युवा पीढ़ी के पास इस तरह की लड़ाई के लिए भूख नहीं है। इसलिए वे अपने शोध को गैर-विवादास्पद मुद्दों पर ध्यान केन्द्रित कर रहे हैं। इसलिए, एक मूलभूत अर्थ में, मुझे महसूस होता है कि लड़ाई वास्तव में जीत ली गई है… परन्तु अगली पीढ़ी के बीच ऐसा कोई नहीं होगा जिसमें दृढ़ता हो… परन्तु शिक्षाविदों के बीच, युवा अगली पीढ़ी में इस विचारधारा की लड़ाई को आगे ले जाने के लिए इरफ़ान हबीब, आर एस शर्मा और रोमिला थापर जैसे लोगों की दृढ़ता और साहस नहीं है। वे इसे सुरक्षापूर्वख खेलना चाहते हैं।

सती

स्वाभाविक रूप से हर किसी ने सती के बारे में सुना है और मुझे यह व्याख्या नहीं करनी है कि यह क्या है, क्योंकि इसे हमारे मनों में हिन्दू धर्म के एक अन्तर्निहित रूप से बुरे पक्ष और इसे परिभाषित करने वाले गुण के रूप में ड्रिल किया गया है। यह कहा जाता है कि लॉर्ड विलियम बेण्टिक के स्मारकीय सामाजिक सुधारों में से एक सती का उन्मूलन था। मीनाक्षी जैन ने इस विषय का गहराई में अध्ययन किया है और सती के सभी सम्भव अभिलेखगत प्रमाण, सती के मूर्तिगत प्रमाण और सती के आँखों देखे साक्ष्य के बयान की परीक्षा की है और प्रमाण के आधार पर वे कुछ चकित करने वाले दावे करती हैं।

सती का आँखों देखे गवाह का पहला खाता तब का है, जब सिकन्दर घर वापस लौट रहा था। उनकी सेना की टुकड़ियों में से एक में एक भारतीय जनरल शशिगुप्त था जिसकी अचानक मृत्यु हो गई और यूनान के सैनिक यह देखकर चकित हो गए कि उनकी दो विधवाएँ आईं और वे दोनों आपस में लड़ रही हैं कि उनके साथ अग्निदाह किसे करना चाहिए। यह सती का पहला रिकॉर्ड किया गया आँखों देखा साक्ष्य है। उसके बाद, सती का अगला प्रमाण ५वीं शताब्दी के मध्य प्रदेश से और उसके बाद १४वीं शताब्दी के यात्री इब्न बतूता से है। इसलिए सती के आँखों देखे गवाहों के खातों की वास्तविक घटनाएँ बहुत कम हैं।

परन्तु जब भारत के नए मार्ग को वास्को डी गामा द्वारा खोजा गया, तब बहुत से विदेशी यात्रियों ने भारत आना और भारत के बारे में लिखना प्रारम्भ किया क्योंकि भारत के बारे में और अधिक जानने के लिए यूरोप में भारी माँग थी। भारतीय यात्रा-वृत्तांतों के लिए विशाल बाजार की इस माँग को पूरा करने के लिए, लेखकों ने सबसे दुर्लभ और सबसे विचित्र प्रथाओं पर ध्यान केन्द्रित करना प्रारम्भ किया। सती उनमें से एक हो गई और इस तरह यह उनके खातों का मुख्य भाग बन गई। फिर भी, इन यूरोपीय यात्रियों के खातों की क़रीबी परीक्षा से, यह स्पष्ट है कि वे एक ही तरह के शब्दों में लिखते हैं और एक-दूसरे के खातों को बस फिर से प्रस्तुत किया है। इसलिए, इस पूरे मिथक को पूर्वी देशों की विचित्र कहानियों के लिए व्यावसायिक माँग को पूरा करने के लिए बनाया गया था, और ऐसे लोगों की वास्तविक संख्या जिन्होंने वास्तव में सती को देखा था, बहुत कम है। इसके अलावा, खातों से कोई व्यक्ति यह पहचान करने में अक्षम है कि भारत के किस भाग में सती की घटनाएँ हो रही थीं।

१८वीं या १९वीं शताब्दी तक, ये सभी विचित्र खाते तर्कसंगत सीमाओं के भीतर थे। उसके बाद, ईस्ट इण्डिया कम्पनी के आगमन के साथ स्थिति बदली। ईस्ट इण्डिया कम्पनी बंगाल के स्वामी बन गए और वे इस बारे में बहुत स्पष्ट थे कि वे भारत में पैसा कमाने के लिए आए थे और सभ्यता को फैलाने के किसी भी अच्छे आशय से नहीं। वास्तव में, ईस्ट इण्डिया कम्पनी के प्रारम्भिक अधिकारी भारतीय प्रथाओं और संस्थानों के लिए सराहना से भरे हुए थे। उनमें से अनेक लोग भारत में ब्रिटिश संस्थानों को लागू करने के विरुद्ध थे। वे समझते थे कि अनेक भारतीय संस्थानों की उपेक्षा हुई थी और उन्हें पुनरुत्थान के लिए बुरी तरह से आवश्यकता थी, विशेष रूप से इस्लामी काल के विनाश के बाद। परन्तु एक ऐसी स्वदेशी प्रणाली होने के कारण, जो स्थिर थी और स्थानीय आबादी द्वारा सरलता से समझी गई थी, उन्हें इसे ब्रिटिश संस्थानों से हटाने के लिए कोई कारण नहीं दिखा। वे केवल धन कमाना और समाज को वैसे चलने देना चाहते थे जैसा यह पहले कर रहा था।

उस समय पर, मिशनरियों को ब्रिटिश क्षेत्र में प्रवेश करने की अनुमति नहीं थी और यदि वे आते थे, तो उन्हें अगले जहाज पर तुरन्त वापस भेज दिया जाता था। इसलिए मिशनरियाँ उसके बाद संसद में गए और भारत को मूर्तिपूजकों और बुरे रीति-रिवाजों की एक भूमि, और जहाँ केवल ईसाई धर्म जंगली जानवरों को सभ्य बनाने में सहायता कर सकता था, के रूप में चित्रित किया। मैं चाहता हूँ कि मेरे पाठक यह समझें कि यह दष्टिकोण कि ब्रिटिश द्वारा भारत के उपनिवेशीकरण ईसाई धर्म के बारे में था, पूरी तरह से असत्य है। ईस्ट इण्डिया कम्पनी नहीं चाहती थी कि ईसाई मिशनरियाँ आएँ और उनकी नकद की दुधारू गाय के साथ हस्तक्षेप करें। वे नहीं चाहते थे कि मिशनरियाँ आएँ और इस विशाल धन पैदा करने वाली मशीन को बाधित करें, जिसे उन्होंने भारत में बनाया था। इसलिए, वास्तव में, ईस्ट इण्डिया कम्पनी मिशनरियों के विरुद्ध थी। उन दोनों के बीच एक संघर्ष था और, ब्रिटिश संसद में, जो वे विपरीत पक्षों को ले रहे थे। ईस्ट इण्डिया कम्पनी सदैव बहस कर रही थी कि यदि मिशनरियाँ आती हैं, तो वहाँ कोई विद्रोह हो सकता था और यह नकदी के प्रवाह को सम्भवतः बाधित कर सकता था। मिशनरियों को उसके बाद यह तर्क देना पड़ा कि उनकी वहाँ पर आवश्यकता थी क्योंकि भारत के मूर्तिपूजकों में जंगलीपन चल रहा था।

इस प्रकार, उन्होंने पचास हज़ार से एक ला?

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Author Rajiv Malhotra responds to a question that he has often been asked: should we support ‘liberal’ muslims

I am responding to numerous requests to give my views on Tarek Fatah. I want to first examine Benazir Bhutto and Fareed Zakaria, both well-known liberal Muslims. This gives insights into other liberal Muslims.

Bhutto and Zakaria established themselves as well-known liberal face of Islam by opposing Islamic radicalism. But this does not mean a love for Hinduism.

They postured as anti-radicalists on forums like CNN, playing to the global liberal market looking for liberal Islam. They told gullible westerners what these westerners want to hear in order to feel good about the future of western liberalism. But Bhutto’s anti-radicalism was merely an internal fight between two Muslim camps.

Likewise, in the case of Zakaria, He explicitly and assertively identifies as an Indian Muslim, which means he must comply with and believe in the core requirements of: exclusiveness of Allah, Mohammad as the final prophet, various Qur’anic injunctions concerning infidels, jihad, women and slaves.

As a history-centric religion of the Book, there is a formal definition of being a Muslim without the wiggle room to improvise one’s one version. Likewise, Shah Rukh Khan, despite all the pop culture drama, is a practicing Muslim. (Salman Rushdie is closer to being a true liberal, and even he did not show kindness towards Hinduism.)

There is nothing wrong about choosing to practice Islam. And I am glad there are a few liberal Muslims wanting to challenge their own radicals – at least in front of the public. But this Islam vs Islam is an internal war similar to the Reformation movement in Christianity. That movement took 200 years of violence to sort out. It has nothing to do with what either variety of Christian thinks of Hinduism – we are heathens to both varieties of Christianity.

I have spoken to Tarek once by phone and found him to be a pleasant, witty, fellow-Punjabi with strong opinions against Pakistan and the prevalent forms of Islam. He is classified as a liberal, left-wing Muslim and hence in opposition to the orthodox, radical Muslims. The promise he offers to Hindus is that he can battle radical Islam and Pakistan. This has caused confusion among Hindus who imagine that he, therefore, is a friend of Hinduism.

I want to encourage such liberal Muslims to fight their own fellow Muslims. But I don’t expect them to fight our battles as Hindus. Nor is it wise to hoist them as some sort of leaders of Hindus as far as ideas, policies, and strategies are concerned.

We must shoulder our own responsibilities and not try to escape the risk and burden of having our own adhikara. I often find weak Hindu leaders shirking responsibility by putting it on such shoulders in the same way as many Rajas turned over to the British to solve their problems.

By all means let’s use Islam vs Islam to divide, contain radicalism, and hopefully one day after several generations see them get reformed.

Here is my acid test of a true liberal Muslim: He must list all verses in Qur’an and Hadith that are the backbone of radicalism and demand that they must be declared hate speech. These should not be taught, and replaced by a truly liberal interpretation.

This reformation is what some Pakistani Muslims based in USA are trying to achieve through consensus building among intellectuals – not public bombast for limelight. This will take decades but if/when successful, it can bring sustainable liberalism in Islam.

Without such a genuine reform movement with a critical mass at the core, and based on amending the holy texts, any PR based shrill movement is going to be short lived and unstable. That can at best disrupt the enemy. But don’t let such a disruption become an opportunity for the likes of Bhutto, Zakaria and their lesser versions of “liberals” climb on our shoulders.

Use them as useful sepoys just like the West has deployed many Hindu sepoys against Hinduism. They must prove their value with concrete impact and get rewarded for the results produced.

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Lord Risley and ‘Race Science’

Lord Risley’s application of the principles of ‘Race Science’ to his study and classification of Indian society was as absurd as it was consequential.

 

Once the eighteenth-century European scholars had invented `Race Science’, colonial administrators were quick to recognize the potential of this emerging field and utilized it as an effective governing tool. Employing imaginary racial categories based on vague biblical reference points, they imposed these racist categories like signposts on top of the many distinctive regional and distinctive communities in India. These imported classifications led to greater fragmentation and conflicts with in India. 

Sir Herbert Hope Risley (1851-1911) was a powerful colonial bureaucrat at the Royal Anthropological Institute, and developed the Nasal Index based on Max Müller’s speculation. Müller searched for physical features in the Vedas that would identify the groups physically and tentatively interpreted nose-length as one such differentiating feature in Rig Veda (29.10) based on a single Sanskrit word anasa, which was used infrequently. Hence, this Nasal Index, much like Phrenology, became a tool of Race Science in an effort to classify the traits of Indian communities. His goal was to separate Aryan communities from non-Aryan communities and also classify those considered non-Aryan as distinct from mainstream Hindu society. Various colonially inspired studies transformed jatis into racial categories rather than identities based on occupation. Risley’s taxonomical classification and massive documentation of Indian jatis froze the dynamic quality and mobility found in the jati system within the varna matrix.

Prior to colonialism, the jati-varna system in India had little, if anything, to do with race, ethnicity and genetics. It was better understood as a set of distinction based on traditional and inherited social status derived from work roles. Jati is a highly localized and intricately organized social structure – allowing social mobility as well as occupational diversification. These rural social structures were more horizontally organized than vertically stratified. It was this inherent feature of the jati-varna system that led Gandhi to postulate the model of `oceanic circle’ for the ideal Indian village society, rather than the Western pyramidal model.

One of the common threads throughout the west’s study of India has been the manner in which subsequent scholars pick and choose from someone else’s work, often out of context, and with their arbitrary assignment of priorities. The younger Risley was greatly influenced by the senior and legendary figure of Max Müller. The development of racist theories between these two men was an important step in shaping the future identities of people across India. Publicly, Müller was cautions and wanted to protect his image, so he criticized the use of linguistics for racial profiling. But indirectly and privately, he encouraged it in various ways. Müller gave the following input in a private letter to Risley, prior to Risley’s census of 1901:

It may be that in time the classification of skulls, hair, eyes and skin may be brought into harmony with the classification of language. We may even go so far as to admit, as a postulate, that the two must have run parallel, at least in the beginning of all things.

Risley’s Race Science

Risley took the casual Vedic nose-reference in Muller’s writings, and turned it into the centrepiece of his racist ethnology of India. He further distorted Müller’s interpretation of the Rig Veda. Without having any Sanskrit knowledge and relying solely upon Müller’s Works, he falsely stated that the Vedas had `frequent references to the noses off the people whom the Aryans found in possession of the plains’. He commented that nobody who glanced at the Vedas miss such accounts. His long and powerful tenure in the British civil service in India lent strength to his ideas. His work became institutionalized within the workings of the British Empire.  He was appointed the commissioner of the British censuses, from where he imposed the taxonomy and racial framework for Indian people.

In 1910, Risley became president of the Royal Anthropological Institute. To this day, Indian society legal framework is Risley’s creation, and his taxonomy of India’s communities dominates today’s caste wars and shapes Indian politics. Risley wrote that he wanted `scientific’ research to detach considerable masses of non-Aryans from the general body of Hindus’. Risley used his clinical data to promote far-reaching conclusions. Besides claiming to validate his two-race theory of Aryan and non-Aryan populations in India, he graded various castes according to the Nasal Index. Using this, he went further and classified jatis as Hindu, and tribes as non-Hindu. This is how category of `tribes’ officially institutionalized, the definition of which is still used for legal purposes in India. Risley was particularly interested in measuring what he called the `wild tribes’ of India. He claimed that different castes were biologically separate races. These classifications were enforced through the British censuses of India that were carried out every ten years and required every jati to submit its data based on the official classification system of British.

The Vedas were interpreted to show clear and emphatic racial distinctions between Aryans and aborigines. A major reference work in 1912 translated Vedic Dasas and Dasyus as `dark-skinned savages’, whereas classical Indian interpreters like Sayana had explained their differences as being one of faith and language only.  Colonial Indologists also stretched and distorted Max Müller’s interpretation of varna and used it to mean white/black races, citing the histories of the south of the United states as well as South Africa to claim that the same kind of racial north/south divide existed in India as well.

Risley Freezes the Castes

Risley took Max Müller’s linguistic hierarchies and turned them into a solid link between language and race. He reasoned: ‘That some races produce sounds with other races can only imitate imperfectly is a matter of common observation, and may reasonably be ascribed to differences of vocal machinery’. His Aryan/non-Aryan divide was very concrete and based on anthropometrical evidence rather than philology. The British colonial administration claimed that science is being used for partitioning Indians into divergent camps.

Based on his research, Indians were classified into seven major races located on a linear scale, with Aryans and Dravidians as the two opposite poles. He also organized `social types’ into seven groups. To protect himself, he wrote numerous disclaimers against blatant racism, and against taking things too far. He claimed that according to his data these races were sufficiently close. He thereby concluded that Indian tribes had turned into castes. He described the various tribal types in the order of their primitiveness, positioning the Dravidian as the lowest, assigning manual labour as their `birth right’, along with human sacrifices to the goddess. Those tribes that had developed Professional specialization became castes, while those that had remained in a limited geographic territory were still classified as tribes. Scholars such as Risley claimed that the European society had evolved from tribes into nations; they did not sink into the political impotence of caste’.

In India, the once glorious Aryans had become contaminates by intermixing with the inferior Dravidians, leading to the caste system. Risley wrote: `In India alone were the Aryans brought into close contact with an unequivocally black race’. The conquering `men of the dominant race’ have `intercourse with the women whom they have captured’. But it is `out of question’ that the `men whom they have conquered’ should be allowed `equal rights in the matter of marriage’. So, it is white men having sex with women of colour that produces the various inferior offspring races of half-breeds. The motive in Risley’s perception, was, the antipathy of the higher race for the lower, of the fair-skinned Aryan for the black Dravidian’, which he claimed was actually based verbatim on the Vedas. He explained that this racial interaction `formed the ultimate basis of caste’. These false racial categories paved the way for the subsequent Afro-Dalit-Dravidian movements. It also fanned the anti-Brahmin movements.

As the commissioner of the 1901 census of India, Risley wrote the section on caste, which was Publisher in the highly influential Imperial Gazetteer of India, and became the Template of academicians and colonial administrators to do their studies. He decided that Indians consisted of 2,378 main castes and tribes (with sub-castes), and 43 races. Once his structures got established in the colonial bureaucracy, Risley wanted to distance himself from the racial implications he had set in motion, and to blame the whole thing on the peculiarities of the Indian mind. Having created a ridiculously complex and administratively unworkable system, he blamed the system lacking the intellect to apply it. Risley translated the dharma of various jatis as `race sentiments’, and made it his ambition to scientifically prove that a comparatively pure `Aryan type’ existed in North India. His obsession with noses caught on with other colonial administrators. For example, noses of Indians became the subject of scientific inquiry for Edgar Thurston, author of the voluminous Castes and Tribes of Southern India (1909). Thurston even used his `Lovibond Tintometer’ (originally an instrument for quality testing in breweries) to measure the racial features of Indian villagers.

Risley’s views that `caste is race’ and that `social position of caste varies inversely as Nasal Index’ were opposed by a few scholars, based on scientific arguments and data. But such critics were marginalized and ignored, and even felt the personal animosity of the powerful Risley. Trautmann criticizes this `over-reading’ and `text-torturing’ of Vedic literature to fit into Western racism. He concludes:

The racial theory of Indian civilization alludes to racial attitudes of Whites towards blacks, found in the segregated southern United States after the Civil War and in South Africa, as a constant of history, or rather as a transcendent fact immune to historical changes that is as operative in the Vedic period as it is now.

Ambedkar Demolishes Nasal Index Racism

Dr Ambedkar (1891-1956), a Dalit leader who was also the architect of the Indian Constitution, was a historian and scholar of ancient Indian society. After studying the voluminous Nasal Index data of various castes across India that had been Publisher by anthropologists, he came to a striking conclusion using Risley’s own data to disprove his thesis:

The measurements established that the Brahmins and the Untouchables belong to the same race. From this it follows that if the Brahmins are Aryans, the Untouchables are also Aryans. If the Brahmins are Dravidians, the Untouchables are also Dravidians. If Brahmins are Nagas, the Untouchables are also Nagas. Such being the fact, the theory… must be said to be based on a false foundation.

(This is an excerpt taken from the book Breaking India by Rajiv Malhotra & Aravindan Neelakandan. (Page 51-60. Published by Amaryllis. Delhi. 2011.)

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