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Repositioning India’s Brand

Rajiv Malhotra | December 09, 2003

Part I: Is South Asian Studies undermining India?

Brand Management by other countries in USA

India is under-represented in American academia compared to China, Islam/Middle East, and Japan, among others. Even the study of Tibet is stronger than that of India. Worse than the quantitative under-representation is the qualitative one: While other major countries positively influence the content of the discourse about them, pro-India forces rarely have much say in India Studies.

China:

China is fortunate that its thinkers are mostly positive ambassadors promoting its brand. Chinese scholars have worked for decades to create a coherent and cohesive Chinese Grand Narrative that shows both continuity and advancement from within. This gives the Chinese people a common identity based on the sense of a shared past — one that maps their future destiny as a world power. Pride in One Unifying Notion of the National Identity and Culture is a form of capital, providing an internal bond and a defense against external (or internal) subversions that threaten the whole nation. Scholars play an important role in this construction.

China’s Grand Narrative is a strong, centripetal force bringing all Chinese together, whereas many Indian intellectuals are slavishly adopting ideologies that act as centrifugal forces pulling Indians apart.

The China Institute’s New York mission is to influence public opinion on China. It holds art shows, language classes, lectures, films, and history lessons. Unlike the India-bashing films and lectures on many American campuses these day (selected by self-flagellating Indian professors), the Chinese project a positive image of China. The key difference is that China’s scholars are not trying to go public with China’s dirty laundry –they are not trying to use international forums to fix domestic problems.

In sharp contrast, Indian academics often lack self-confidence and pride in India, and use every opportunity to demean India internationally, and to justify this as a way of helping India’s human rights problems. These Indians seem too desperate to join the Grand Narrative of the West, in whatever role they are granted admission, whereas Chinese scholars have not sold out to the same extent.
The China Institute also has many pro-China programs for Chinese parents and kids, K-12 curriculum development, teacher training, student scholarships, and seminars for corporate executives and journalists. The Institute has a successful program to teach Chinese-Americans to project a hyphenated identity that combines both American and Chinese cultures, and they call this ‘leadership training,’ while South Asian scholar often labor to undermine the Indian-ness of our children’s identities, by equating Indian-ness with chauvinism.

Pakistan:

A good analysis would also scrutinize the Pakistani government funded Quaid-e-Azam Chairs of Pakistan Studies at Berkeley and Columbia. The appointments to these chairs are under the control of the Pakistani government, and are rotated every few years. Note that this is accepted as normal and has not attracted any criticism from academia. It is little wonder that the American media has interviewed more pro-Pakistan scholars than pro-India scholars.

Pakistani scholars have established their leadership over South Asian Muslims’ campus activism in the US, and claim to represent Indian Muslims. Many Indian academicians have joined their bandwagon to denigrate Indian culture in the name of human rights activism and South Asian unity. These scholars hold great influence over young impressionable Indian kids in college. It seems that the Pakistani government has adopted a corporate-style strategic planning process, while many Indian-American donors have not approached this as competitive brand management.

Tibet:

Another good example of how soft power can be developed and projected via academic intervention is the case of Tibet. Twenty five years ago, H H the Dalai Lama asked his Western disciples to get PhDs from top Western universities, and to become Buddhism professors in colleges. Today, almost every major US campus has practicing Buddhists on the faculty, who project their spiritual identities very publicly and confidently.

Even though Buddhism shares most of its meditation techniques with other Indic traditions, Buddhism has become positioned as a valid research methodology for neuroscience, whereas Hinduism is plagued with the caste, cows, and curry images. Buddhism is explained intellectually and sympathetically, not via an exotic/erotic lens. Buddhist scholars have a powerful impact on students, and serve as media experts and public intellectuals. Buddhism has major Hollywood endorsements. India has nothing even remotely comparable to the influence of Tibet House in building its cultural capital.

Japan and Korea:
The Japan Foundation and Korea Foundation are also great institutions worthy of study by NRI donors. The Japanese have funded over fifty academic chairs in USA.? Pro-Japan scholars occupy these chairs, and they have close ties with scholars based in Japan; they are loyal to the Japanese identity and culture. An ambitious teacher training program has certified thousands of Americans to ‘Teach Japan’ in schools. The Japanese drive the Americans’ study of Japan, and not vice versa as in India’s case.
The Korea Foundation has sponsored a series of books on a variety of subjects on Korea and donates/subsidizes these books to libraries worldwide.

Repositioning India’s brand

As a priority, India’s image in American academia needs a corporate type of analysis of the market/competition and current status. This would lead to the diagnosis and identification of key problems needing correction. Only then could a viable strategy emerge. This brand repositioning is necessary for more Indian-Americans to succeed on their own terms in management and political arenas. It is also necessary for an independent profile of India.

The strategy for influencing India Studies could begin with looking at India’s technology developments and opportunities, and the resulting geopolitical implications. This could build on the recent positive Indian image in corporate America and American business schools. Donors may want to think about initially working with business schools instead of South Asian Studies Departments, especially since Indian-American donors have better experience in evaluating business scholars than humanities scholars. Many of the contentious issues listed at the end of this article would not apply because of greater convergence between India’s interests and the mindset of business schools.

At the same time, culture is an important form of capital and must be positively positioned as a part of any brand management. Cultural branding should not be allowed to become a liability under the control of anti-India forces. Yoga and Ayurveda are examples of positive cultural areas that are now in the mainstream and deserve to be brought back under the India brand. Two illustrations will show the economic cost of not managing cultural capital:

Yoga is a multi-billion dollar industry in the USA, with 18 million American practitioners, $27 billion/year revenues (from classes, videos, books, conferences, retreats), over 10,000 studios/teachers, and 700,000 subscribers to Yoga Journal. However, cultural shame has kept Indians out of this field, and over 98% of yoga teachers and students in USA are non-Indians.

Clearly, the economic potential here could be as big as India’s software exports, especially if yoga were included in India’s proposed initiative to export health care services. America’s yoga centres are potential retail outlets for Indian culture and brand marketing.
Ayurveda is a $2 billion/year industry and a part of the high growth international market for plant medicines. The popular consumer brand, Aveda, was started by an American devotee of Indian gurus to bring Ayurveda to the West. (Aveda is short for Ayurveda.) He later sold it to Estee Lauder: Now, Estee Lauder sources herbs from countries other than India, and there has been no royalty to Kerala’s farmers who are being displaced from their traditional industry. Nor is there any recognition of this loss in the Indian intellectual’s mind. Contrast this with the way the Chinese government has turned Chinese medicine into a multi-billion-dollar vehicle for Brand China, or with the way the French wine and cosmetic industries have endowed their products with a mystique that protects French jobs.

To explain why educated Indians are amongst the best knowledge workers in the world, the common reason given is that the British taught us English, science and governance. But under this theory, all former colonies, such as Kenya, Uganda, Egypt, Zaire, Bangladesh, Pakistan, Sri Lanka, Trinidad, and Myanmar should be suppliers of knowledge workers on par with India. Few Indians have the courage to articulate that the reason is partly because of India’s long cultural traditions that emphasize learning and inquiry, including the openness fostered by its pluralistic worldviews.

In fact, Indians were exporters of knowledge systems and knowledge workers throughout the Middle East and Pan-Asia for centuries prior to colonialism. Arab/Persian records indicate that many hospitals in the Middle East were run by Indian doctors and that Indian scholars ran their universities. Indians were chief accountants in many Persian courts. Indian mathematics went via Persian/Arab translations to influence European mathematics.

Furthermore, Buddhists took Indian knowledge systems to East and Southeast Asia, including medicine, linguistics, metallurgy, philosophy, astronomy, arts, martial arts, etc. Indian universities (such as Nalanda) attracted students from all parts of Asia, and were patronized by foreign rulers. All this is well appreciated by scholars in East and Southeast Asian countries but is hardly known to Indians.

Indian corporate executives are playing a key role in charting India’s future through knowledge based industries. Therefore, it should be important for them to sponsor an honest account of India’s long history of exporting both its knowledge workers and complete knowledge systems. This historical account is important in reinventing India’s non-innovative education system and repositioning its brand. Hence, Indian-Americans must question the colonial discourse which promotes the view that ‘anything positive about India was imported from elsewhere.’ The impact of such skewed discourse on Indian children is pertinent and must be examined.

I have found that American audiences are very open and even eager to learn about India’s contributions to American culture. But most professors of India Studies in American universities consider such themes irrelevant or, worse still, chauvinistic. In doing so, they apply a different standard to India as compared to other non-Western civilizations. This has a lot to do with the cultural shame that many Indians in academe feel burdened with ? in contrast with successful Indian executives who project positive identities.

Consider the following examples that are usually not emphasized in the academic research/teaching in India Studies, when equivalent items concerning China, Islam, Japan, etc are emphasized:

America’s ‘Discovery’ was the result of venture capital from the Queen of Spain to explore new trade routes to India because Indian goods were highly sought after. Most persons find it hard to believe that India could have had such prized export items, and some find such suggestions troubling given their preconceived images of India’s culturally linked poverty. Any genuine exploration of India’s economic history is nipped in the bud.
The New Age Movement is neo-Hindu, with 18 million Americans doing yoga, meditation, and adopting vegetarianism, animal rights and other Indian values.
Eco-Feminism was brought to America by Vandana Shiva, who explained to Americans the philosophies of the sacredness of the environment.
American Pop Culture owes a great deal to Indian music (via the Beatles and others), film, art, fashions, and cuisine.
Icons of American Literature, such as Emerson, Thoreau, Whitman, Eliot, the Beats, among others, were deeply involved in the study and practice of Indian philosophy and spiritual traditions. While they are widely read and admired, the Indian wellsprings of their inspiration is often downplayed, to the detriment of all students.
Modern Psychology, since the work of Jung and others, has assimilated many theories from India, and this has impacted mind-body healing and neurosciences.
American Religion has adopted many Indian theological ideas transmitted via Teilhard de Chardin’s study of Ramanuja. Transcendental Meditation was learnt in the 1970s by monks in Massachusetts and repackaged into the popular ‘Christian Centering Prayer.’ The study of the Hindu Goddess became a source of empowerment for many American Christian women.
American Civil Rights drew inspiration from Gandhi: Martin Luther King, Jesse Jackson and others wrote about satyagraha as their guiding principle with great reverence in the 1960s, but this has faded from the memory of African-American history as taught today. How many Indians know that Indian social theories influenced J S Mill, who is regarded as the founder of modern Western liberalism, and that many Enlightenment ideas also originated in India and China? The Natural Law Party is considered a pioneer in American political liberalism, but it is generally unknown that it was started by, and is run by, Maharishi Mahesh Yogi’s Western followers.

Such positive themes are rarely reflected in the humanities curricula concerning India. The disciplines are populated by scholars who typically entered the US after the Soviet collapse, when funding by Soviet-sponsored sources ended. They still continue to espouse sociological models that have been discarded for decades, thereby hindered India’s progress in the global economy. They continue to promote divisive scholarship about India. One wonders why the West legitimizes such persons and positions them as representatives of India. Now they have reproduced their mindsets in a whole new generation of confused Indian-Americans with PhDs in the humanities.

Challenging the India-Bashing Club

While India’s positive image is not adequately projected in US academia, the many negative stereotypes abound, devaluing India’s brand into fragments and chaos. These include:

Anti-progress: Indian culture is depicted as primitive, obsolete, and frozen until outsiders come and push it forward. Hence, the implication seems to suggest, we must invite outsiders to come and fix our problems for us.
Unethical: Indian culture is essentialized by images of abusive caste, sati, dowry deaths, and other human rights atrocities, including aggressive charges of fascism, violation of minority rights and violence. Indian scholars often lead these parades that overemphasize public tirades against India in the West, while failing to understand the implications of brand damage in a global capitalist system.
Unscientific: Indians are shown as mystical people lacking Western style rationality.
Everything good about India is assumed to have been imported: The British gave us a sense of nation. There was no worthy Indian culture prior to the Mughals. The Greek brought philosophy and mathematics to India. The “Aryans” brought Sanskrit. By implication, Indians are doomed to dependency, which contradicts the vision of India’s future trajectory being based on knowledge-based industries.

Many Indian scholars in the humanities, journalists, and ‘intellectuals’ in Non-Government Organizations depend on Western funding, Western sponsored foreign travel, acquiring legitimacy in the eyes of Western institutions, the ability to parrot canned Western ‘theories,’ and even identifying as a member of the Western Grand Narrative, not as options but as necessary conditions for success. Clearly, such loyalties, identities and ideologies must resonate with their sponsors.

Unlike China Studies and Islam Studies, India Studies is controlled by the West, often with the help of Indian mercenaries. The frequent bombardment of negative imagery of Indian society is devastating its soft power. The globalization of India’s ‘human rights’ issues is not solving any social problems in India. It has become a cottage industry for many Indians whose role may be seen as analogous to the sepoys who helped the British rule over the rest of their brethren. Many Indian scholars are, at best, apologetic about Indian culture. They go about with great aplomb ‘exposing’ internal problems of India at international forums, for which their careers are well rewarded.

Certainly, there is legitimacy and urgency to human rights concerns. But the academic treatment of this subject is asymmetric vis-à-vis India as compared to other countries. More importantly, American campuses are not the place to resolve them. Students are being brainwashed into thinking of India as a quagmire.

Proposed Mission Statement for NRI Philanthropists

Prior to supporting India Studies, Indian-American philanthropists must, first, establish their mission statement. I submit the following statement for their consideration, at least as a starting point:

The mission is to bring objectivity and fair balance to India Studies so as to: (1) strengthen and enrich America’s multiculturalism at home; (2) empower Indian-American kids’ hyphenated identities; (3) improve US-India cooperation as cultural equals; and 4. improve India’s cultural brand in the globalization process.

It is important to note that this mission statement does not include using American classrooms or media as platforms to cure Indian society of its problems. This is the point over which there is a serious conflict of interest between Indian-American donors and many ‘South Asian’ academicians in the humanities who are deeply entrenched in anti-India activism. To put it bluntly, some oppose the very notion of a strong Indian nation state, calling that chauvinism, and would like a balkanized India consisting of weak sub-nationalities. Many have taken the position that to expose India’s ‘human rights atrocities’ is central to their mandate. This is usually done without giving equal time (or any time) to India’s many positive accomplishments in social development and pluralism. Naively putting such individuals in charge of one’s well-intended donations would be like putting the fox in charge of the henhouse.

Questions that donors must address

Since Indian-Americans have already earned the highest levels of success and self-esteem, they should not be overly impressed by the prestige of academic institutions. They must utilize their best negotiation skills and not get bulldozed into accepting ‘standard’ terms from the universities. Indian-Americans have no reason to be over-awed by the Western-centric approaches to social sciences and liberal arts, whose very validity and effectiveness are being challenged by serious thinkers in the West. Indian-Americans should bring to these discussions their own reference points from the corporate world, such as the following questions and issues suggest.

A strategic choice must be made between promoting India Studies (which would be a centripetal force helping India’s unity as a nation state without compromising its diversity) and South Asian Studies (which is a centrifugal force pushing India towards balkanization).

Should the overarching theme support mutual understanding between cultures through exploring India’s vast cultural capital, or support political activism against India? What is the brand damage currently being done by Indians engaged in one-sided public tirades, who exaggerate India’s internal problems in front of audiences that are ill-equipped to make balanced judgments? How should one approach Indian scholars who have become mercenaries? What is the connection between such scholars and Marxism and its derivatives?

To address the above issues, Indian-American donors first need to clearly articulate what they consider to be their own vision of India. Next, they need to examine the degree to which their vision is compatible with that of various humanities scholars. India’s brand must not be outsourced to people whose ideologies are subversive of India’s integrity.

How is India’s brand positioned relative to other civilizations? Who are the major competitors, and what are their strategies, strengths, and weaknesses? A comparison between India Studies and China Studies, among others, is very important. What are the major brand problems that India faces today?

What is the relationship between India’s cultural capital and its brand equity? For example, if India can supply world class professionals in so many fields, then why does India have less than two percent of the market share in the massive American industry of yoga, meditation, and related areas? Why are there no world class Indian institutions in this field producing the equivalent of IIT graduates to go and capture world markets given that the trend in holistic living is increasing worldwide and India has unmatched brand equity that could also boost its health care export industry? Furthermore, the positioning of Indian Classics in academe, as compared to Greek Classics and Chinese Classics, must be examined in relation to cultural capital formation.

What are the distribution channels that control the production and dissemination of ideas about India’s brand? Who are the key players in control over each stage and what are their critical success factors? In particular, who funds the production and distribution, and who controls the intellectual platforms to think about India? The critical bottlenecks, especially those that tend to be monopolistic, should be identified.
What were the key trends over the past 25years in India Studies? Why has India failed to enter India Studies as a serious player and, by default, allowed Indians to be reduced to consumers who lack their own intellectual capital to drive the field?

Why is there no funding for India Studies within India, to empower a new generation of ‘insiders of the tradition’ to enter the global field of India Studies; to contest old paradigms about India; and to shift the center of gravity of India Studies back to India, in the same way that most other major civilizations are controlling their own intellectual discourse?

Donors need to examine the consequences of these brand problems — such as Indian students’ identity crises, and the marginalization of India’s soft power.

There are valuable lessons in the successes of other American minority cultures that have taken control over their own brand management — Jews, blacks, women, and gays being prominent examples.

Based on this type of research, donors should establish targets for the future. They should also establish the criteria for evaluation and the mechanisms to monitor the progress.

Undoubtedly, there will be those in India Studies departments who feel threatened by enlightened Indian-American donors entering the discourse as equal partners. One strategy to ‘buy out’ Indian-American donors is to admit them to prestigious committees where they can hobnob with dignitaries and send picture home.

Meanwhile, below are two good role models for objective India Studies in the US:

• The Center for the Advanced Study of India at the University of Pennsylvania focuses on the business and political aspects of India: http://www.sas.upenn.edu/casi/ ?
• The Center for India Studies at the State University of New York at Stony Brook is more multifaceted and emphasizes the humanities — including culture, languages, history, religions, arts, and dance: http://naples.cc.sunysb.edu/CAS/india.nsf/pages/about

Each is an India-centric approach, in which ‘South Asia’ is treated from India’s perspective.

The former example (UPenn) is easier to implement in a pro-India manner, because corporate and political winds have shifted in India’s favor lately. However, the latter (SUNY) has made a bigger impact on the identities of Indian students in that university — one that is attributed to the courage and leadership of the scholars in charge and the Indian-American donors in that vicinity.
In the long run, culture will play a vital role in India’s brand. Some Indian-American groups are hesitant to tackle the systemic biases that plague the academic work on Indian culture and society. They should delay funding in this area until they have a better understanding of the issues at stake. Their safer bet is to fund business schools. A good example of India’s brand management is the recent joint initiative by the Government of India and the Confederation of Indian Industry. (See: http://www.ibef.org/index.asp )

Recommendations for Academic Funding?

• Continue pushing the US to upgrade India on par with China in its discourse, and to decouple India from the South Asian grouping. Furthermore, expose the entrenched academic forces that are subversive of India’s stability, which would be very dangerous for US interests.
• Establish a clear mission statement for India Studies. This should include a position on whether it should remain positioned as a ‘ghetto’ separate from mainstream humanities, or if, as in the case of Western civilization, India should be in the mainstream curriculum of various departments, such as history, philosophy, music, dance, science, medicine, psychology, politics, and so forth.
• Keep the Indian-American endowment with a trust/foundation that is in the hands of the Diaspora, and do not give the corpus away to any university. Give an annual budget to selected universities under a 2-year or 3-year contract, subject to evaluation and renewal. Universities do accept these terms.
• Appoint a knowledgeable Diaspora evaluation and monitoring committee to oversee what goes on in each program, and don’t just leave it to the university scholars to send you status reports. The committee should attend classes, read the publications of the department, and participate in the events organized. Many problems of shoddy or biased scholarship disappear when the scholars know that they are being watched by the funding sources as it is done by Western funding sources routinely.
• Keep the appointment durations no longer than 2 or 3 years in the beginning, until there is enough experience. Tenured appointments are very counter-productive in case an India-hater gets in.
• Require the program to be India Studies and not South Asia Studies. There is no point in including anti-India scholars on committees and having deadlocks in the decision-making. Examine the program details, and avoid funding scholars and topics that are counter to your vision.
• Do annual surveys and publish reports on what the effect of the sponsored work is on students and the American public at large.

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A Business Model Of Religion – 2

Religion has become heavily institutionalized involving giant multinational religious enterprises. This essay examines the effects of institutionalized competition by looking primarily at the way Christianity has utilized the business process very successfully. It then looks briefly at Islam and Buddhism’s marketing methods. It ends with a criticism of Hinduism for its lack of institutional capabilities at a time when it complains about sophisticated competitors.

  1. The Institutionalization of Society

In the pre-industrial era, there was extensive manufacturing in India and China that produced many high quality products. But it became difficult to survive against industrialized competitors. When it comes to manufacturing, most educated Indians accept the merits of industrialization as compared to the boutique style of manufacturing.

However, a more general success factor today is the institutionalization that has taken place. Distribution, retailing, marketing, R & D, and other areas, have become increasingly systematized and institutionalized.Industrialization is but one instance of institutionalization.

Doctors appreciate the merits of modern institutionalized medicine — with its standards of drug approval, procedures, and education — even though there could be many great individual doctors in non-institutionalized systems of medicine. The consistency, reliability, quality and competitiveness that institutions provide have made it hard to survive otherwise.

The list of examples seem endless: fast-food chains as opposed to the neighborhood kitchen; institutionalized militaries as opposed to individually brave but disorganized warlords; mass produced goods as opposed to handicrafts; and the neighborhood bookstore as compared to Barnes & Noble or Amazon.

Non-institutionalized players often depend upon one personality, and seldom survive after their leader is gone. Institutions have a life of their own that extends beyond any living personality. Therein lies the key to survivability and the competitive superiority of institutions over the long term.

Non-Western, Pre-Modern Institutions:

However, we must not equate institutionalization with Westernization.

Janet Abu Lughod, an eminent historian, compiled extensive information about non-Western institutions that predated European modernity1. For instance, during the medieval period, the Indian Ocean economy that spread from Africa to China, with India in the middle, had: banking systems, currency exchanges, pooling of risk, credit, technological innovation, price competition, and factories for large-scale production. Many subsequent European institutions were made possible by the transfer of non-European experience, as per Professor Abu Lughod and others.

A variety of historical factors led to atrophy in Indian institutions, and failure to keep up with the rapid advancement of Europe. Manufacturing innovation, long the backbone of India’s and China’s export competitiveness, had stopped during the Mughal period, as the enterprise was run like a cash cow to support the extravagant lifestyles of a few.

Therefore, it is true that the British deserve credit to start to re-institutionalize India. Note the emphasis on ‘re’, for it was not for the first time that India had institutions. But now they were modern institutions of an entirely new kind. The British brought a new kind of institutionalized army and civil service, mainly for the purpose of institutionalizing colonial control.

But in the process, the British de-legitimized traditional medicine that had been very successful, including being a major export, via Portugal, to Europe. They de-industrialized India’s textiles and steel production, and moved these to England to help launch the Industrial Revolution.

In recent times, India’s retail, distribution, and many other sectors are undergoing institutionalization, bringing a new ethos and efficiency, while also creating a transitional upheaval of the old cottage based ways.

However, when it comes to the religion sector, Indian religion is professionally corporatized mainly in the case of Christianity, and these, too, are foreign subsidiaries remote-controlled from the West.

  1. Christianity, Inc.

To illustrate how religion has been institutionalized globally, I begin by analyzing one of America’s largest autonomous and sophisticated funding institutions for Christian marketing. Christianity has mastered the business model better than any other religion. In fact, Christianity has become the most successful organization run like a business of any kind in the world — in sheer size of staff and revenues. Therefore, I give special attention to examining Christianity’s business practices.

Pew Trust’s Strategy to Christianize the Public:

Based in Philadelphia, PEW Trust is a massive ($6 Billion) foundation, listed by The American Academy of Religion as one of its top sources of funding2. Its strategy paper defines its official goal as spreading Christianity:

“During the first 30 years of religious grant making, certain patterns were established that continue to this day. Perhaps the most pronounced of these is the Trusts’ distinct and continuous interest in the evangelical movement within American Protestantism. This was expressed during the early years primarily in the support that was extended to evangelical institutions of higher education, including colleges and seminaries, and to a variety of evangelical parachurch agencies, from the Billy Graham Evangelistic Association and Christianity Today magazine to the American Bible Society and World Vision.”

“Some things are clear from this early period. One was the commitment of J. Howard Pew and others in the Pew family to support institutions that uphold historic Christian principles rooted in biblical standards. Another was their desire to see the Christian faith applied beyond the walls of the church to the great intellectual and social issues of the day. A third element was the robust ecumenism that under girded these efforts.”

“[O]ne of the fundamental purposes of the J. Howard Pew Freedom Trust: ‘To promote recognition of the interdependence of Christianity and freedom’.”

“The Pew Evangelical Scholars Program has encouraged the most talented evangelical scholars nationwide to produce outstanding work from a Christian perspective on topics important to their disciplines, and the Pew Younger Scholars Program has recruited the most intellectually talented graduates of evangelical colleges and seminaries to enter into academic careers… Pew-funded scholars have produced an impressive array of major-press books, journal articles, edited collaborative volumes, presentations at annual scholarly conventions, and university lectures. Networks of evangelical scholars have been formed, and fruitful cross-disciplinary, cross-generational conversations have been generated…”

Strategy for Christian Infiltration into the Secular Mainstream:

An important strategy of Pew has been to spread its impact outside the walls of organized religion and into the mainstream secular establishment, including the infiltration of secular intellectuals. This reprogramming of academia is being carried out through a well thought out strategic process, which Pew explains as follows:

“Religion staff believes that it is especially important at this time to devise more aggressive strategies for engaging the larger secular academy.”

“To a large extent the strategy focuses not on matters relating to the internal life of the church or other religiously-based institutions, however important these may be, but instead on those that bear on their external or public side…”

“…Pew Evangelical Scholars may be found today in many of America’s preeminent universities and colleges. …By increasing the number of connections between these scholars and the American academic establishment we have a good chance of influencing intellectual trends in higher education. Thus, …we are looking to develop new strategies that reach beyond our more traditional constituency in smaller evangelical colleges even further to orthodox Christian scholars based in the larger secular universities.”

“…Evangelical Scholars Programs are already more “mainstream” than their label would suggest; the need is to get this message out even more effectively. To that end, we want to explore strategies ranging from establishing a Pew Christian Scholars lecture tour (based on the Phi Beta Kappa model) to funding small-scale travel and meeting programs aimed at creating linkages between our Pew scholars and larger scholarly networks.”

“A more ambitious mainstreaming strategy would involve regularizing institutional linkages with universities in order to foster sustained interaction between Christian and secular scholars. Therefore, in addition to continuing our support for individual scholarship across a broad range of institutions, the Religion staff also favors putting more emphasis on the development of formalized associations that will help sustain this encounter between Pew scholars and secular thinkers over the long term.”

A comparable but hypothetical process in the case of India would be for Indian corporate funding to institutionalize the inculcation of the Indic ethos within the government administrative services training, higher education, media, NGOs, etc. and not just at the grass roots of society. Note the contrast between the well-entrenched “secular” mindset of Indian business and public life and this mindset in mainstream USA as illustrated by one of the largest and best reputed non-profit behemoths.

Pew’s Marketing Plans:

Pew has sophisticated marketing plans to implement its strategies, and any Fortune 500 marketing vice president would be proud to have such a clear and detailed plan. A brief sample of Pew’s business plans:

“First, we plan to continue to nurture interaction among scholars across the humanities and social sciences who have an academic interest in religion, …Second, Religion staff will explore ways to increase the impact of existing centers by expanding their interdisciplinary activities and leveraging greater financial support from host institutions and their donors. Third, we will also explore a variety of options for establishing university-based networks for Trusts-sponsored collaborative research programs. Finally, and most ambitiously, Religion staff will explore the possibility of establishing prominent centers of excellence…”

“Our aim then is to build prominent centers under both branches of our Religious Scholarship portfolio that can serve as drivers, sustainers and organizing centers for the intellectual networks created by the Trusts’ initiatives. They would also provide an institutional context in which Christian scholarly networks could interact regularly with other mainstream scholarly networks across a variety of disciplines in the humanities and social sciences.”

Vision of Globalization and Abrahamism:

One key area of Pew’s focus has been scholarship to repackage the Christian product as global:

“Our programs in Global Christianity have established an impressive body of scholarship on Christianity’s transformation from a Western religion to a transnational faith. As a result of this work, there is now an effective international network of scholars working in this field of study.”

Furthermore, even before September 11, Pew was working on a strategic alliance amongst the three Abrahamic religions as a matter of special interest:

“Another subject of contemporary relevance is Christianity’s relation to the other two great monotheisms of the Book: Islam and Judaism. Serious scholarly consideration of the relations between the three descendants of Abraham — Jews, Christians and Muslims — could be an important first step in improving inter-religious relations in areas of the world where these traditions must learn to coexist, from the Middle East to the United States.”

Controlling the Critical Bottlenecks:

The major channels by which the public’s impressions of religions are shaped include: the mass media, the school system, and academia. Marketing of religion depends heavily on the use of so-called “independent” channels, and indirect control over these channels is a critical success factor. Of the major world religions, Christianity has achieved the greatest control over these channels, because it has invested billions of dollars and approached this activity very systematically, using professional marketing principles.

Among these channels, the academic channel is of especially high leverage, because:

  1. Today’s influence leaders are well educated, and receive many of their ideas about other religions from college courses. This is true of media journalists, policy makers in government, schoolteachers, and business leaders.
  2. Religion is taught not only in religion courses, but it is also embedded in history, anthropology, political science, language, arts, and social studies, among others.
  3. Indic dharmas are indirectly appropriated by researchers in psychology, health care, management, and self-improvement, but without acknowledging the source traditions. Meanwhile, the same source traditions often denigrated and stereotyped as “caste, cows and curry.”

The production / manufacturing of academic knowledge is done largely via PhD dissertations and subsequent academic research. Distribution of academic knowledge is via journals, academic presses, and conferences. Retailing is done in the classroom. Since these mechanisms are controlled by a relatively small number of scholars, it is the syndicated production of knowledge that gets distributed most of the time. You can produce all you want outside the system, but unless you can distribute it widely, its impact will remain limited. This is why the academic study of religion has become a hot field. Below is an analysis published in the Los Angeles Times in 2000, and the field’s growth has accelerated even further after September 11:

“Once a largely forgotten factor in social research, dismissed by those who believed that society would inevitably secularize and cast spirituality aside, religion is now a hot field of inquiry. …No longer confined to schools of divinity, religion is being increasingly probed in departments of sociology, political science, international relations, and even business schools. The new research is expected to “significantly reshape the social sciences,” said Jon Miller, a USC sociology professor. …. The American Academy of Religion, for instance, reports a 34% increase in membership in just the last six years, from 6,700 members to 9,000. Major academic organizations have added religion subsections in recent years; the one established by the American Sociological Association has gone “from nowhere to one of the largest” in the last five years, Jon Miller said. More foundations are funding religious research. The Ford Foundation, for instance, launched a religion program in 1997 and has doled out about 50 grants totaling $10.5 million. …Other major funders include the Lilly Endowment and Pew Charitable Trusts. Pew recently launched a multimillion-dollar initiative to create 10 academic “Centers of Excellence” to study the intersection between religion and international relations, urban affairs, American democracy and other contemporary issues.”3

Few Hindu leaders are aware of the extent and the significance of this institutionalization of education about religion in the US. When forced to take notice of this, they usually display a shallow attitude, often manifested as cynicism towards institutions. Meanwhile, India’s institutions in media, business, and education remain rooted in the mentality that religion was seen as scourge to be eradicated.

Institutionalized Prejudice:

Besides the influence that Pew and other Judeo-Christian foundations are able to buy, there are also other factors that make it difficult for Religious Studies scholars to achieve the objectivity that is claimed by the profession. Peter Donovan explains:

“While the study of religion may be, ideally speaking, a strictly scholarly pursuit, the people engaged in it are not only scholars. They are members of races, communities and families; they marry, educate their children, bury their dead; they attend or stay away from places of worship, observe or ignore festivals, support or oppose causes, associate with others or keep themselves to themselves. In all such activities of everyday life, professional scholars are inevitably aligning themselves, one way or another, in relation to religious issues and institutions. How is professional neutrality to escape the effects of personal bias? …Perhaps the strongest evidence of the academic study of religion’s having attained a stance of role-neutrality will be when it manages to embrace, within agreed standards of professionalism, the widest possible range of personal diversities in belief and practice amongst its practitioners… Present-day Religious Studies… is failing to maintain that program. It has blurred its focus by espousing hermeneutic and intuitive approaches, or by conceiving of itself as a “quest” based on some universal and humanitarian vision. As a result, Religious Studies has become increasingly vulnerable to re-theologizing pressures…”4

While many academic scholars are neutral or even sympathetic to Indic dharmas, the ideological motivation of certain scholars is to socially re-engineer the Indian American college students and the public at large. This trend runs across Religious Studies, Indology, Anthropology, South Asian Studies, History, and related fields. It is evident when one reviews the themes of panels and publications found in academia. One notices little attention being given to those topics that would be critical of the sociological impact of Islam, Christianity, or Marxism upon modern India. On the other hand, topics that are critical of Hinduism — such as ‘sati’, ‘Hindu dowry’, and ‘Hindu caste’ — get over-emphasized beyond the ground reality, and without the non-Hindu historical factors being adequately considered.

Ronald Inden explains the problem concerning scholarship on India:

“Historians of religion and Indologists have… viewed [Hinduism] as the… mentality that accompanies caste… She was an inferior substitute for the West’s masculine, world-ordering rationality. …The effect of these wild fabrications of the nineteenth-century European imagination was to give pre-eminence to caste, the type of society epitomizing at once both constraint and excess, as opposed to the freedom and moderation of Western civil society, and to the lone renouncer rather than the individual-in-society… [This] was an imperial project that entailed the wholesale intellectual deconstitution of Indian economic and political institutions, …”5

Today’s built-in biases can be traced back to colonial times, when Alexander Duff, a British writer, explained the mission in India as follows:

“The ample teaching of our improved European literature, philosophy and science, we knew, would shelter the huge fabric of popular Hindooism, and crumble it into fragments. But as it is certainly not good simply to destroy and then leave men idly to gaze over the ruins, nor wise to continue building on the walls of a tottering edifice, it [must be replaced with]….the grand and distinguishing glory of our institution, through the introduction and zealous pursuit of Christian evidence and doctrine, to strive to supply the noblest substitute in place of that which has been demolished, in the form of sound general knowledge and pure evangelical truth.”6

Many academic scholars of Hinduism do double duty, working for proselytizing organizations in parallel with their ‘neutral’ duties. Hence, they utilize the modern academe as an extension of the market research by the Church, to gather information about Hinduism for their Seminaries’ development of competitive marketing strategies. This access to the secular realm also enables them to introduce anti-Hindu material into academic studies, camouflaged as ‘objective’.

These potential conflicts-of-interest go unnoticed and undisclosed. In a business environment, these would be considered as potential ethics violations. Since there have been AAR panels specifically for Hindus and Buddhists to “come out”, should there not be panels on “Coming out as a Christian Proselytizer?”

Unfortunately, colonized people become starved of self-esteem, and often consider it a great compliment when scholars of the dominant culture study their tradition, especially when this is projected as being ‘objective’ and/or sympathetic. Western scholars learn techniques to blend in with the community being studied, so as to bring down barriers — such as singing bhajans, wearing ethnic clothes, etc. — and often start their career with a few authentic translations to earn credibility and trust before making the U-Turn.

Conversion “Food Chain”:

Religion Marketing is often the art of separating the rich from their money and the poor from their traditions, under the pretext of saving the former from their guilt and the later from their poverty.

The food chain is as follows: India’s Catholic Church preys upon vegetarian Hindus, whereas the Protestant Church targets the Catholics for conversion. Different Protestant denominations are at different levels of aggression in this food chain.

In the West, Christianity is losing numbers. To protect philanthropic revenue collections, it must be seen to be replenishing these losses. Therefore, it has turned to conversion of poor people in poor countries. An increasing percentage of new Christian followers and priests are non-white — Latinos and Indian. This is exacerbating the racial divides and power plays within the American Church, making it even more difficult to sustain its claim to be offering a caste-free social structure.

There is also a great Christian fear of the attraction that Hinduism-Buddhism has for many young Westerners. To prevent this, there has been a very nasty negative campaign against Hindu society.

Furthermore, the Pope has refused to throw his weight behind the Tibetan cause because he sees Tibetan Buddhism as his competitor to convert the Chinese from atheism. The Vatican’s strategic plan says that after communism dies, there will be stiff competition between Buddhism and Christianity for China’s billion people. Christianity is not willing to help position the Dalai Lama in any positive way. My prediction is that when the religion war for market share in China starts, Buddhism will then get demonized just as Hinduism is today — the scholars knowing the skeletons to expose it are already trained and in place, and it merely takes a shift in the research topics funded.

Christian Data Collection:

Quantitative statistics and trends, giving precise geographical details on where to find the best prospects for conversion, and how best to target each segment’s needs, are available in books for a couple of hundred dollars. The data is given by country, by state, and often even smaller units of geography. The production and sale of such material serves over five million Christian proselytizers in the world.

One example of such materials, giving marketing segmentation and trends data, is at: http://gem-werc.org/index.htm. It gives precise figures on the number of persons for each religion in different years, including the market forecast for 2025. This table is merely a summary, to entice the reader to buy the two-volume database giving a great deal of detail. I do not know of any commercial marketing firm in a consumer product or service having more precise data on its global market. Some interesting facts in this summary include the following:

  • Retailers: There are 23,500 Christian ‘service agencies’, and another 4,100 ‘foreign-mission sending agencies’ who supply proselytizers to poor countries.
  • Salesmen: There are over 5.1 million Christian proselytizers worldwide, and another 425,000 foreign proselytizers who are sent to countries other than their own (i.e. as foreign missionaries) for this work.
  • Quantity of sales contacts: Evangelists, as a sales force, collectively deliver 172 billion sessions of evangelism annually. Since each session has multiple persons hearing, the report says that the total number of ‘hearer-hours’ is one trillion annually.
  • Gross receipts: The Church ’causes’ receive $280 billion annually as gross revenue.
  • Income of the Church: The annual income of the Church is shown as $110 billion.
  • Public Relations Literature: There are 36,500 Christian periodicals and magazines. There are 26,100 new book titles of Christian literature published annually.
  • Church Mass Media: There are over 4,000 Christian TV and radio stations.

Competitor Analysis:

An important aspect of corporatized religion is competitor analysis. For example, in the following analysis by a Christian marketing expert, Hindu souls to be harvested are segmented into tribal and high-caste prospects respectively, and each segment has a distinct strategy:

“Looking at the mission of the Indian church as a whole, there are two quite dissimilar approaches to missionary work. Missionary evangelists to the tribal peoples are expected to adjust as much as they possibly can to new cultures, and to keep any new churches which develop as an integral part of tribal society….When it comes to evangelism among Muslims and high-caste Hindus, however, …. evangelists stand outside the society and call for individuals to profess Christ and come out to join the Christians. This means the extraction of new believers from their homes and society, … Present attitudes indicate that expulsion is the expected norm, and so extraction of new believers from their societies is subtly (and sometimes not so subtly) encouraged.”7

Often, this competitor analysis is also marketed as the authentic portrayal. For instance, an organization called “The Institute of Hindu Studies” positions itself to provide “reliable information on India, Hinduism and the Indian Diaspora”. However, it is a Christian missionary organization interested in proselytizing Hindus.8

Sales Strategies:

A sales strategy report by the Church’s researchers recommends that proselytizing “cells” should be set up in order to be seen as insiders within the target communities, and to use a subtle approach for ameliorating any possible backlash from Hindus:

“ …the evangelist to Hindus should live in every possible way as the Hindus among whom he is working. He should share the gospel by means familiar to his Hindu friends, rather than the means he and his home church are familiar with. New disciples of Christ will be expected to remain within their society in every way, even as the evangelist has fully become part of that society. New cell groups, eventually to become churches, will grow up within the culture of the people.”9

Another research report contains specific sales tips based on the field experiences of a senior proselytizer, including detailed “do’s and don’ts” in the pre-sales process, how and when to close the deal, and the post-sales account management:

“Do not criticize or condemn Hinduism. …. Criticizing Hinduism can make us feel we have won an argument; it will not win Hindus to Jesus Christ…Never allow a suggestion that separation from family and/or culture is necessary in becoming a disciple of Christ. …Avoid all that even hints at triumphalism and pride. …Do not speak quickly on hell, or on the fact that Jesus is the only way for salvation. …Never hurry. Any pushing for a decision or conversion will do great harm. …. Even after a profession of Christ is made, do not force quick changes regarding pictures of gods, charms, etc. …Do not force Christian ideas into passages of Hindu scripture. … Empathize with Hindus. …. Learn to think as the Hindu thinks, and feel as he feels…. Those who move seriously into Christian work among Hindus need to become more knowledgeable in Hinduism than Hindus themselves are. Some study of the Sanskrit language will prove invaluable. … Remember the biblical pattern from Acts 17 of introducing truth to the Hindu from his own tradition, and only secondarily from the Bible. For example, the biblical teaching on sin is repulsive to many modern Hindus, but their own scriptures give an abundance of similar testimony. Bridge from Hindu scripture to the Bible and Christ…. A new believer should be warned against making an abrupt announcement to his or her family, since that inflicts great pain and inevitably produces deep misunderstanding….”10

The market expansion ethos and salesmanship that drive all proselytizing is clear in the internal literature, with ‘marching orders’, sales ‘campaigns’, quotas, and the quantified tracking of success. The proselytizing process is mirco-managed in great detail, with statistical data being captured worldwide to identity the best opportunities, just as in the commercial direct marketing business.

Brand Management:

Promotions such as bingo (which are exempt from gambling laws specifically for the case of churches) have been the staple attractions of many churches. But lately, the great demand for yoga has caused several Churches to stop fighting yoga and to introduce their own “Christian Yoga”. This shows their marketing savvy.

For instance, the site on Christian Yoga at: http://www.dreamhawk.com/yog-chr.htm is blatantly claiming yoga as being Christian. It interprets yoga in the context of Christian history and symbols.

A more subtle approach is followed at: http://home.earthlink.net/~kriyayogi/ This site mixes many religious symbols, including Aum, blends in with environmental messages, blurs the brand distinctions, and positions it as a cross-traditional approach. This is like appropriating someone’s private property and claiming it to be in the public interest to share it with everyone. Many of these ‘perennialist’ movements start off with good intentions, but are subsequently taken over by leadership whose Judeo-Christiansanskaras cause a U-Turn away from the Indic traditions.

Negative Advertising:

Dalits and Hindu women are especially important to recruit in the negative aspects of the sales campaign. These recruits are paraded at conferences, academic and media events, to portray Evil Brahmins as being the cause of India’s sociological problems. Rewards include: visas, foreign travel, PhDs, jobs, prestige, and/or an identity that gives membership into ‘white’ society.

III. Islam’s Market Expansion

The fastest growing religion amongst blacks in the US is Islam. Besides the perception of treating everyone equally and its appeal to blacks as a revolt against slavery, there are also reasons for its success that pertain to its professional approach.

For instance, at a recent presentation to American media, I was very impressed by the articulate Muslim representative. His laptop PC projected Power Point statistics and charts, giving city by city breakdown of Muslims in USA: by age, denomination of kind of Islamic institution, years in the religion in the case of new converts, etc. He had, at his fingertips, data on mosque attendance figures and trends, by state and city.

The post September 11 Islamic public relations machinery in the US has been most impressive indeed. They organized thousands of scholars and spokespersons, with centrally managed appointments and speaking engagements to cover politicians, media, schools and colleges, and other levers of influence.

History’s Greatest Merger:

The most successful merger in the history of religion occurred in Islam during the time of Prophet Mohammed, as explained by Charles Sutherland. Prior to Mohammed, Mecca’s tribal commerce depended on tourism to the Kaaba, a major pagan site for pilgrimage.

Mohammed’s monotheism threatened this tourist traffic to the pagan site, and the merchants of Mecca fought against Mohammed. This was resolved in a merger deal: in exchange for becoming Muslims, the merchants of Mecca were promised, by Mohammed, that their Kaaba site would be turned into “the” holy site for all of Islam, that all Muslims would be required to point towards it and pray five times daily, and — here is the clincher — each Muslim would be asked to visit Mecca at least once in their lifetime. The tourism significance of this deal is explained by Sutherland:

“…some of Muhammad’s ideas, those that attacked Kaaba worship as idolatrous, proved threatening to the religious merchants of Mecca. If people began to believe in one God, Allah, the pilgrimage traffic would diminish.”11

“In order to avoid prolonged hostilities, Muhammad negotiated with city leaders, agreeing that if they submitted to Islam he would make pilgrimage to Mecca a requirement of the new religion. This assured a continuation of the present pilgrimage and tourist traffic and even promised a great increase in it. The pagan Kaaba would be transformed into the holiest of Muslim shrines. Muhammad accordingly prescribed that all Muslims should endeavor to make at least one pilgrimage to Mecca during their lifetimes, more if possible. The pilgrimage was called the Hajj. The merchant community quickly realized the material possibilities of this divine arrangement, and submitted to the new theology with an understanding of its economic if not its celestial rewards. Thus did Mecca adopt the Islamic faith. Muhammad had made an offer they couldn’t refuse. The pagan house of worship, the Kaaba, was given a Muslim mantel of theology. Suddenly it was Abraham who bad built the shrine, and the sacred Black Stone it housed became a rock taken from paradise and personally delivered to Abraham by Gabriel during the construction.”12

This merger of religion with commerce, securing tourism in Saudi Arabia forever, has been arguably the largest merger of any kind in world history, and certainly one of the most successful, having resulted in a corporate entity with 1.2 billion Muslims as shareholders worldwide. Mohammed should be taught in Harvard Business School as a great strategist and visionary.

  1. Buddhism’s “Pull” Marketing

Before you conclude that Indic dharmas are inherently opposed to marketing, you must see the record of Buddhism.

Buddhism was probably the world’s first global brand of any kind. Despite being translated and adapted into so many cultures, without force or pressure, the recipients retained their respect for the source, and their texts to this day start by explicitly quoting the original sources from India. Buddhism was brand conscious, and generated brand loyalty. Buddhism was responsible for the export of much Indian culture throughout Asia.13

Buddhism’s spread throughout Asia and parts of the Middle East was entirely non-violent. It was done in the same manner as a modern technology transfer from an advanced country to a developing one. The receiving cultures found it so compelling to learn Buddhism, that it was considered a gift to receive.

The best evidence of this is that the rulers of China, Tibet, Cambodia, Sri Lanka, Burma, and many other nations, sent their brightest students to the Buddhist viharas of India. Many of these rulers, such as the powerful Khmer kings of Cambodia, endowed entire colleges to be located within Buddhist universities in India, so as to be able to send their students to bring back this precious knowledge.

This kind of marketing is called pull marketing, because the receiving side demands the product without pressure selling. The spread of Christianity, and later of Islam, were based on push marketing, in which the supplier side operates aggressively to push the product.

However, this essay provokes the question: Given today’s global competition among institutionalized alternatives, does one have to adopt push marketing strategies in order to avoid becoming a prey in a Darwinian game?

  1. Is Hinduism Compatible with Institutionalization?

Culture is an asset with commercial value. The anti-marketing attitude of classical Hindu gurus is out of place today. Imagine Macy’s Department Stores placing obstacles outside their stores that customers must first overcome before having the right to enter. Religion is no longer a supplier’s market, or one in which it would be a favor to part the knowledge to a person. Such elitism is obsolete, and has been responsible for the lack of marketing savvy in many Hindu movements.

Some of the factors for the inferior market position of Hinduism in today’s world include: the failure of Hindus to see themselves in a competitive field; their failure to see the critical role of the education system in forming public opinion outside the faith community; and their failure to formally convert millions of Americans into Hinduism in the 60s and 70s when interest in Hinduism was very high and when Hindu swamis too quickly gave it away as generic ‘wisdom’.

Imagine the executives of Johnson & Johnson, during the heights of Tylenol’s success, giving it to generic competitors freely and then glorifying this foolishness.

Hindu gurus gave away much know how with practical application in the 60s. This became the unbranded ‘new age’ product. It also caused identity crises among many westerners who wanted to convert formally but were discouraged by the gurus, who said things like: ‘it’s all the same’. Many western neo-Hindus later made the U-Turn so as to reclaim their original identities, either Judeo-Christian or as secular westerners, because it was not easy to live with no identity at all. Many of today’s new age icons are of this background, but it is too late to reclaim them.

Therefore, much of Indic spiritual technology has been transferred to westerners, who are now thriving as global suppliers, given the lack of institutionalized supply from the Hindus themselves. This un-businesslike and naïve attitude is now backfiring on global Hinduism.

Hinduism’s Lack of Statistical Data:

I failed to find any Hindu organization that could give me detailed statistical data for members or communities of Hindu temples, by sampradaya, by age, by city, etc. for USA. Many have some portions of this, but that too, only for their own narrowly conceived temple organization.

In fact, it was the Pluralism Project of Diana Eck at Harvard that gave me the list of around 800 Hindu temples in North America. Hindus have never bothered to get organized in this manner. I have failed to get a reliable database on Hindus even in India: How many members are there per Hindu samprayada, at least for those who are regular members? What are the statistical trends by town, by age group, by economic strata? How do Hindus get segmented quantitatively into beliefs and practices? These are examples of the type of basic statistical data that a marketing mentality would track.

Hinduism’s Lack of Marketing Savvy:

One needs to inquire whether Christianity’s ease with institutional marketing and globalization is related to its history as a predator.

The need for mass communication was appreciated early by Christianity ever since Gutenberg’s invention of the printing press. Christians were the first to adopt this new information technology in their marketing campaign. Hindus remained with the oral tradition, then used manual printing methods for very long, and still resist institutionalizing their approach.

There is this Hindu ideology that sacred truths and yogic technologies should not be given to those who do not deserve to receive. This ideology has prevented Hindus from sharing their spiritual know how because they have to go through the long road of determining whether a given person is pure enough to receive it. This turns off many who are attracted by Christianity’s compassion for the fallen. Hindus are depicted as elitist and as not emphasizing the uplifting of the fallen in the same way.

As societies move from rural to urban, the production, distribution, and communication get institutionalized. Is it that Hinduism has remained very much a rural culture rather than becoming urbanized, and hence it is pre-institutional in character?

I believe that there is much that Hindu leaders could learn from Pew and other great Christian marketing organizations. But they would have to become less arrogant, and be willing to learn from others.

Hindutva and Marketing:

Could a business-like conduct by Hindu leaders, along the lines of Christian institutionalization, be a better substitute for the often crude street culture of danda-wallahs? Could such an ethos have altered the means for dispute resolution in cases such as the Babri mosque? In other words, might competitive marketing of religion be a more socially responsible framework for India than politicized religion and vote management?

A Marketer’s Definition:

Hinduism needs to urgently assess its market position and strategic direction, if it wants to be considered a serious competitor in the field. Even when a religion does not seek to expand or to proselytize, it must constantly upgrade its standards of professionalism just to survive and maintain its current market share.

Hinduism should view its diverse and eclectic quality as an asset rather than a problem. Think of Hinduism as an open architecture with several modules or components. The various components come unbundled and not bundled as a package deal. You can pick and choose from many options to configure your own customized Hinduism, as has happened throughout its history. This is the essence of the sva-dharmaprinciple (personalized dharma), of the ishta-deva (personal deity), and of the bewildering range of paths.

Gurus and mirco-movements in Hinduism are basically system integrators, who select a configuration, integrate it for a particular market segment that they cater to, and then do the installation, training, and customer support for this customized Hinduism.

This means coming out with a strategy that combines the institutionalization of certain elements with this decentralized quality into a coherent marketing plan.

REFERENCES:

  • Before European Hegemony – The World System A.D. 1250-1350, By Janet L. Abu-Lughod. Oxford University Press, New York.
    2. Religion and the Public Square: Religious Grant Making at The Pew Charitable Trusts, by Luis E. Lugo. See: http://www.pewtrusts.com/grants/programs/rel/rel_public_square.cfm
    3. The New Gospel of Academia, By Teresa Watanabe. Los Angeles Times Wednesday, October 18, 2000.
    4. Neutrality in Religious Studies, By Peter Donovan. In The Insider/Outsider Problem in the Study of Religion: A Reader. McCutchen, Russell T., Ed. London: Cassell, 1999. pp. 242-244.
    5. Imagining India, By Ronald Inden. Published by Indiana University Press, 2000. Pp. 4-5.
    6. Alexander Duff, Parliamentary Papers, 1852-53, 32:57.
    7. Is extraction evangelism still the way to go? Several other models suggest some possible alternatives in mission to Hindus and Muslims, by H.L. Richard. Posted at:http://www.wheaton.edu/bgc/EMIS/1994/extraction.html
    8. See: http://www.wciu.edu/ijfm/this_issue.htm Renewing the Call to Reach the Hindu World. International Journal of Frontier Missions 18:1 Spring 2001.
    9. See reference 2.
    10. Some pointers for personal evangelism among educated Hindus, by H.L. Richard. Vol. 34, No. 2. Posted at: http://www.wheaton.edu/bgc/EMIS/1994/pointers.html
    11. Disciples of Destruction, by Charles W. Sutherland. Prometheus Books, Buffalo, New York, 1987. Pp. 233-234.
    12. Sutherland. P. 237.
    13.Indian Influence in Ancient South-East Asia, by Alastair Lamb. A Cultural History of India, Edited by A.L. Basham. Oxford University Press. 1975. Chapter XXXI.

Published: 2002

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Does South Asian Studies Undermine India? ‍

You have to be as careful giving away your money as you were in making it’

— Bill Gates

The Clinton administration made an official policy concerning India which the Bush administration has continued even further, namely, to decouple India from Pakistan, and to reposition India as a major geopolitical player in its own right. Likewise, the US corporate world has started to re-imagine India in this new light, seeing it as a positive force on the world stage.

However, many social sciences and liberal arts scholars are still entrenched in the rhetoric of ‘South Asia’ that emerged during the Cold War, in which India is lumped as one of eight problematic countries whose nuisance value is to be contained. While India’s accomplishments are nowadays being used to boost the image of its neighboring South Asian countries, in return, India gets associated with South Asian terrorism, violence, human rights problems and backwardness. Ironically, India’s culture gets blamed, and a rejection of Indianness by Indian students is encouraged as a marker of progressiveness.

American business schools report that India has become the most important country that students wish to study, in order to understand the future world economy and technological opportunities. Yet, the humanities departments run by scholars alienated from India are escalating their exaggerated and one-sided portrayals of India as dysfunctional and as a human rights cesspool.

There are over a thousand full-time humanities scholars in the US specializing in some aspect of India. The India Studies industry consists of the development of knowledge about India, as well as its distribution and retailing. It includes India-related academic research, school and college education about India and its culture, media portrayals of India, independent think tanks’ work on India, government policy making on India and corporate strategic planning on India. The impact of India Studies also includes the diffusion of ideas about India to Indians, many of whom are ignorant and/or even suffer from cultural shame.

This article explores how India Studies directly or indirectly informs American perceptions of India, its products and services, and of the Indian-American minority. Secondly, this article suggests practical strategic directions to bring balance and objectivity into India Studies.

It is important for Indian-Americans to participate in academic funding along the same lines as Chinese-Americans, Japanese-Americans, Arab-Americans and others already do. However, unlike these other communities, Indian-Americans have not yet done enough systematic research before strategising and investing in the academic system.

Meanwhile, affluent Indian-Americans’ pocketbooks have been targeted by many US industries, and now university fundraisers have established aggressive goals to solicit donations from them. When I recently learned that many Indian-American corporate executives had become active in India-related causes, I was, indeed, hopeful that high management standards of due diligence and strategic planning would be applied prior to their donations. However, many donors have not addressed critical questions before funding India Studies programs.

There has been an aggressive campaign across American campuses to construct an artificial new identity for Indian students, known as ‘South Asian,’ by denigrating ‘Indian’ as being inferior and/or less politically correct. Aditi Banerjee, a law student at Yale University, is one of the courageous whistleblowers challenging the legitimacy of the category of ‘South Asian’ identity.

Many eminent Indian-American donors are being led down the garden path by Indian professors who, ironically, assemble a team of scholars to undermine Indian culture. Rather than an Indian perspective on itself and the world, these scholars promote a perspective on India using worldviews which are hostile to India’s interests. Sophisticated terms are used which appear very scholarly, such as highlighting the plight of the ‘sub-nationals,’ by which they mean Indian minorities repositioned by the scholars as not being Indian and whose human rights are championed via separatist movements.

What the donors must appreciate is that the Indians on the faculties have their career loyalties to the universities and the larger funding system that sustains the academy today. Furthermore, in many cases, the ideologies of the humanities scholars run counter to the Indian-American donors’ vision of India as a free-market-oriented, unified and pluralistic, economic power.

India Studies Distribution Channels

Serious academic scholarship about India is rarely in the hands of scholars with loyalty to India. On the other hand, China Studies is now largely under the control of China. China’s universities produce China Studies scholars for domestic academic positions and for export to the universities worldwide. Its government organizes prestigious academic conferences in China and funds journals so that academic careers do not depend on impressing Western institutions.

To use a business metaphor, what is at stake is analogous to brand management. Unlike China, India is abandoning its brand management, and, by default, leaving it in the hands of third parties, inclusive of competitors.

One Indian-American complained that my brand management metaphor was ‘amusing and offensive.’ But just last week, there is an article in The New York Times precisely on the importance of nations building brands and managing them professionally. Titled, ‘When Nations Need a Little Marketing,’ it mentions how Germany, Britain, New Zealand, among others, have been doing this.[i]

The following diagram shows the structure of the knowledge industry concerning countries like India and China, and its relationship to Western frameworks and controls. China controls the production and distribution of knowledge about it, whereas Indians are largely consumers of knowledge about India. Many Indians who are producers/distributors serve non-Indian institutions and ideologies.

An academic chair is a knowledge production center of very high leverage, and has the potential to do a lot of good or a lot of harm. Therefore, any donor should scrutinize the outputs from a given department (dissertations, research papers, books, conferences and campus events), because funding a chair would be a force multiplier for whatever ideological tilts lie entrenched there. This concentration of power is exacerbated by the fact that humanities scholars within a given discipline typically have an inner circle or cabal that closes ranks, vitiating the process of peer reviews. Ideologies and political agendas often drive the direction and interpretation of research, producing vastly distorted images of the subject. There is a strong case for independent external audits by the funding sources to monitor standards of rigor, objectivity and quality.

Role of US Universities in India’s Brand Positioning

Universities have a high leverage in influencing American foreign policy and domestic attitudes towards minority cultures, for the following reasons:

  1. Media: Universities influence the media by educating the next generation of journalists, and professors are often quoted and interviewed as ‘experts.’
  2. Government: The government is influenced because:
    i. Think tanks are usually linked to universities,
    ii. Government staff is trained in universities’ International Studies departments,
    iii. The US Commission on International Religious Freedom uses professors to help determine which countries must be red-flagged for sanctions for violating religious freedom, and
    iv. The US Congress has hearings on human rights. Furthermore, Amnesty, Human Rights Watch, the International Court, institutions of the European Union and United Nations, and other transnational groups call upon academic scholars to testify and help formulate policy.
  3. Business: Business schools’ degree programs and executive seminars inform corporate strategies on international activities, and professors influence globalization and investment directions.
  4. Education: Colleges train school teachers. Many textbooks and reference works are written by professors.
  5. Indian-American identities: Indian students’ identities are shaped in their formative years in colleges, because this is when they first leave home. Young Indian intellectuals often follow the footsteps of Western scholars.

To illustrate this, consider a major issue today where academic scholars could be helping India. This is the outsourcing controversy in the USA — as to whether it is good or bad for the US. The deafening silence of most scholars of South Asian Studies is noteworthy. Yet, the very same scholars have lobbied against India’s human rights record at various public and policymaking forums and in campus seminars. This is to be contrasted with the pro-Pakistan appearances on US television and in media interviews by a predictable set of scholars, both Pakistanis and their Indian colleagues. (Note that the business schools have supported India’s case for outsourcing, but not the South Asian Studies departments.)

The study of India is spread across several disciplines. Each discipline has its own standard filters, often built on postcolonial Marxism, which determine the scholars selected, what topics and methods they use, and the meta-narratives they apply. The disciplines in which India Studies are found are:

  1. Anthropology that uses the lens of caste, cows and curry exotica, often based on unscientific dogmas about class conflicts.
  2. History that continues to be based on recycling colonial and/or Marxist frameworks in many cases.
  3. South Asian Studies (often an umbrella for all disciplines to be brought together) which is shaped by US foreign policy and focuses on nukes, Kashmir, terrorism, internal conflicts and divide-and-rule ideas.
  4. Religious Studies which is based on the use of mainly non-Indian categories. This discipline is witnessing a recent trend to interpret Indian culture using Freudian theories to eroticize, denigrate and trivialize Indian spirituality. For a recent major flare-up concerning the academic denigration of Ganesha, and the Diaspora response to it, see: http://www.sulekha.com/expressions/column.asp?cid=305890
  5. Media and Journalism perpetuate many stereotypes created by the other disciplines.
  6. Literature and English project the narratives of English language authors from India, whose often self-alienated identities are hardly positive or genuine representations of Indian culture. Unfortunately, many intellectuals in Indian are emulating these standards.

Each discipline has its own conferences, journals, chairs, ‘insiders’ and ‘gatekeepers,’ and established funding sources. India Studies is largely funded and controlled by the following institutions:

1. Western (mainly US) universities,

2. US foundations (both religious and secular),

3. various Western academic associations for the humanities,

4. US State Department and National Endowment for Humanities,

5. Christian seminaries,

6. Democratic and Republican think tanks, and

7. Western human rights institutions.

It is normal, and expected, that the US would fund vast amounts of study pertaining to every region of the world from its own perspective. In fact, there is a recent bill in the US Congress that would further strengthen the federal government’s grip on South Asian Studies in order to make it reflect US foreign policy interests. This is natural, and merely formalizes and publicly acknowledges what was always the case. The problem is not that others study India (which is, in fact, healthy input from the outside); the problem is the lack of support for India-centric studies from institutions that have India’s best interests and image in mind. Chinese, Arabs, Pakistanis, Japanese and Koreans have far greater control over the discourse concerning their respective brands.

The last two centuries of Indological studies have focused on the themes of divisiveness among Indians. This is today accomplished by constructing identities of victimhood with other Indians depicted as culprits: i. Western feminists are telling Indian women that they are victims of Indian culture. ii. Dalit activists are being sponsored to blame Brahmins.[ii] iii. The divisive Aryan theory is being used as ‘fact’ to construct a separate Dravidian identity and to ‘Aryanize’ North Indians as foreign culprits. And iv. India’s English language media is sometimes subverting traditions by glorifying everything Western and denigrating or ignoring everything indigenous.

The ultimate game plan of such scholarship is to facilitate the conceptual breakup of India, by encouraging the paradigms that oppose its unity and integrity. Many humanities scholars blatantly promote smaller nation states instead of one India.

South Asian Studies

The activities of scholars in each relevant discipline need to be studied. For example, there are over 500 scholars formally associated with South Asian Studies in American universities, and over half of them are of Indian origin, having been carefully groomed to fit the intellectual mold.

Yet, no Indian institution has systematically tracked the topics that the South Asian Studies scholars select and why, who funds this work, and the trends that underlie the theses of the past 25 years. Professional managers in corporate America would never justify investment in a field without first having answered such basic questions. They would be alert and suspicious to the keen interest shown in them by other players in the industry. Indian-American donors need to be more vigilant.

India, like China, deserves to be studied in its own right. It is one of the five or so great civilizations of humankind and world centers of the future. ‘South Asian’ studies often limit India by bracketing it with ‘Pakistan’ — as mirror-images and/or as opposites — and naturally gravitate to conflict rather than studying India in its own right. (Pakistan also deserves to be given a chance to develop a stand-alone identity that is not dependent upon India, positively or negatively.)

The very grouping known as ‘South Asia’ is a US State Department construction under a foreign policy initiative known as ‘area studies’ started during the Cold War. However, Indians may prefer to identify with Southeast Asia rather than South Asia. Shouldn’t Indians make this critical choice of classification and framework rather than being dictated to by foreign think tanks and academics? In this regard, China controls its brand management, while India is simply being led.

SAJA (South Asian Journalists Association) illustrates how some institutions with the ‘South Asian’ nomenclature are compromising India’s interests. SAJA consistently placates Pakistan. Its 5 percent Pakistani members leverage the collective power of SAJA to neutralize the 95 percent Indian members. Hence, it cannot write critically of Pakistan, leave alone assert a pro-India stance on Kashmir and other issues. But Pakistanis have a separate Pakistani Journalists Association in parallel, and, are also proud leaders of Pan-Islamic movements on campuses. They, clearly, do not suffer from cultural or identity shame. The Pakistani government is a silent but active force in these situations.

Are NRI donors being hoodwinked?

Now that many Indian-Americans are joining the bandwagon to establish chairs of South Asian Studies in the USA, one wonders whether they have thought through and contractually ensured that their funding would not be usurped by Pakistani interest groups (including Indians with this agenda). Pakistanis demand equal power in South Asian organizations. Even though they are numerically smaller and contribute much less funding, they usually end up getting an equal say in such organizations.

Therefore, it is critical that we do not blindly assume that Indian scholars are always honest trustees of the Indian-American donors’ sentiments. Many Indian scholars are weak in the pro-India leadership and assertiveness traits that come only from strongly identifying with an Indian Grand Narrative.

They regard the power of Grand Narrative (other than their own) as a cause of human rights problems internally, failing to see it as an asset in global competition externally. Hence, there is the huge difference between the ideology of many Indian professors and the ideology espoused by most successful Indian-American corporate leaders. These Indian professors have a track record that shows a strong ideological stance against a unified India, often formulated using the latest literary theories that are grounded in Marxism, the very anti-thesis of the meritocracy that most successful Indian-American corporate leaders stand for. It is ironical that donors are naively funding such South Asian chairs.

[i] By JIM RENDON. November 23, 2003: http://www.nytimes.com/2003/11/23/business/yourmoney/23brand.html

[ii] For example, Dalit activists sponsored by Western Institutions caused a great deal of embarrassment to India in a recent conference in South Africa, as they tried to get India officially labeled as a racist society. India started its affirmative action program long before America and yet India bashers do not point out the progress that has been made in India, and nor the colonial and economic origins of many of these problems not only in India but in many parts of the world.

Published: December 4, 2003

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America’s Last Chance

It is vital for America to put pragmatism in the front and ideology in the back seat. This article is written from the perspective of American interests: Now might be America’s last chance to gain control over Pakistan’s nukes, before neo-Taliban elements take control of Pakistan’s military.

There is little doubt that the trend in The Islamic Republic of Pakistan is away from democracy rather than towards it. Therefore, there is little doubt that when — and not if — General Musharraf gets overthrown, the next ruler of Pakistan will be a fundamentalist under the control of Pan-Islamic jihadi elements. Meanwhile, today’s 25 nukes in Pakistan will multiply to 500 and 1,000 nukes over the next ten years. The worst thing that America could do now would be to legitimize Musharraf’s nuclear blackmail, and thereby further encourage Islamic militants.

Rather than imagining today’s situation as a static one, American strategic thinkers need to project the most likely scenario over the next five to ten years. American choices today should be based on future projections of these critical matters. Since the average political lifespan of a Pakistani ruler has been around five years, before he gets killed by his successor, planning for US security on the presumption of the General’s ability to rule would be a dangerous blunder.

It is daily becoming clearer that the General does not enjoy the power, within his own country or even within his own army, to the extent that US policy expects and assumes. This is especially so in the dangerous hot spots of the Western areas of Pakistan, where Pashtun speaking tribes are harboring Al Qaeda and Taliban leaders, most probably including UBL himself. No previous Pakistani government has been successful in controlling these tribal areas.

I would like to state that the most dangerous area in the world today is the region sandwiched between Afghanistan on the West and sections of Pakistan on the East. This region includes parts of Eastern Afghanistan and Western Pakistan. It is connected with Pakistan-Occupied Kashmir, and this turns Kashmir into an extension of the Al Qaeda / Taliban theater of terrorism.

While the outcome of the Kashmir real estate dispute itself has little direct consequence to American interests, it is this greater issue — of long-term control concerning Pakistan’s nukes — that looms overhead. This should be the focus.

In fact, a hypothetically “independent” Kashmir should be seen in the context of the real potential for its transformation into a Taliban State. What might the situation look like if Kashmir were to become a Taliban State, replacing Afghanistan as the nexus of Al Qaeda and neo Al Qaeda militants? This cannot be ruled out as the ultimate consequence of any plebiscite, since Kashmiris are not likely to opt for Pakistan, and an independent Kashmir would not be free from Pan-Islamic forces.

If Kashmir were to fall under militant Islamic control, then Central Asian countries to the North and India to the South would be the logical areas of jihad expansion. What was done on September 11 from the globaljihad base in Afghanistan would seem trivial by comparison, if, as dreamed by jihadis, the Crescent of Islam gets re-established from Morocco to Indonesia, covering almost half the world’s population. India is the key obstacle in the way of their dream.

Therefore, it is urgent that the US State Department should re-educate its staff about the nature of Pan-Islamic thinking today. This should be done free from ideological baggage, and strictly as a matter of coming to terms with the way these people think on the ground. In particular, the ‘economic class struggle’ theories so pervasive in academe should be thrown out of the window in such an exercise. For, it is clear that the jihadis are not motivated by economic cravings, to drive in BMWs, or to indulge in other Western ways of living. Their struggle is not for wealth, and many of them left wealthy Arab families. Western thinkers must do an honest job of trying to learn the tenets of fundamentalist Islam as a religion unto itself, even though liberal Muslim scholars might wish to describe an entirely different Islam.

It is the religion as interpreted by the bearded men on the ground, running the madrassas, that matters in assessing the aspirations of jihadis, and not the Islam as interpreted by its relatively few Westernized liberal voices. Yes, we all wish Islam were more like it is cranked up to be on American college campuses today, and should encourage any movement in that direction. But, meanwhile, we must plan based on what it is perceived to be by those who are driven to such extremes based on religious dogma.

The basis for understanding Pan-Islam should be the question: What is taught in madrassas where jihadisare recruited? This is not the Islam as taught at the Harvard Divinity School or at the conferences of The American Academy of Religion. That Islam is what certain voices would wish it to be, but we must understand the reality of what it means to its militant adherents who we must now confront. The project of Reforming Islam is a vital one, but is not to be confused with the immediate project of understanding Islam as is today.

Kashmir

“Why doesn’t India do a plebiscite in Kashmir?” This has become such a common question today. Yet, few who raise it have bothered to delve into the deeper issues involved. In particular, I have not seen serious analyses done where the multiplicity of factors would be considered individually. These factors cover many areas, such as: legal case; global military, political and economic ramifications; ripple effects within India and Pakistan; and precedence setting. I shall list these issues briefly below, in the hope that all these would get debated extensively rather than in superficial headlines.

Legal Case:

As per British rules for the Independence and Partition of India in 1947, the ruler of Kashmir signed a document merging Kashmir into India. This is the basis for India’s legal claim.

Pakistan’s legal claim is based on the subsequent UN Resolution(s) calling for (1) withdrawal of all Pakistani military forces from the entire state of Kashmir, to be followed by (2) a plebiscite to be done by India.

The legal situation today with respect to the UN Resolution is as follows:

* Pakistan has violated provision #1 because it never withdrew its military forces from Kashmir. Note: the UN Resolution did not call for withdrawal of India’s forces from Kashmir. In fact, it acknowledged that in the interim, until a plebiscite was carried out, that the entire Kashmir would be de facto under India’s military control. Hence, this matter constitutes a breach of the UN Resolution on Pakistan’s part.

* In addition to the 30% of Kashmir controlled by Pakistan today, another 20% of Kashmir is controlled by China, as a result of its war with India in 1962. Furthermore, China has merged this part of Kashmir with Tibet. Any plebiscite would also require China’s participation, and since the populations have merged with Tibet, this would bring up the broader issue of a plebiscite for Tibet as well. China is simply not interested in any talk of plebiscites, in any region under its control.

* While Muslims were a majority in Kashmir in 1947, it was a slim majority, and the identity of Kashmiris had always been based, not on religion, but on its own rich heritage of language and culture – an identity they proudly call Kashmiriyat. However, recently there has been a heavy influx of population into Pakistan Controlled Kashmir, including Arabs, Afghanis, and other Pakistanis. Meanwhile, Hindus and Buddhists have been ethnically cleansed from Kashmir’s all three parts (Pakistan, China and India controlled), as a result of jihad activity sponsored by Pakistan. These massive population movements present difficulties in implementing the plebiscite that was envisioned fifty years ago at the UN. The population of Kashmir today has a substantially diminished percentage ofindigenous Kashmiris as compared to the time of the UN Resolution.

Hypothetically, if push comes to shove, India could choose to allow free flow of people from within India into Kashmir. Given that Kashmir is very sparsely populated, and has approximately 1% of India’s total population, it would not take much to turn Kashmir into a Hindu majority state. Hence, the game of demographic shifts could just as easily be played by India. If this is not considered fair, then what means would one propose to reverse the demographic manipulations in Kashmir over recent decades as mentioned above?

In brief, a plebiscite that accurately measures indigenous Kashmiri sentiments per se, is not easily viable today, and it is certainly not in India’s hands solely, as often alleged. The solution is to be explored looking forward and not back.

Global Military, Political, and Economic Ramifications:

The China-Pakistan Karakoram Highway runs through Pakistan Occupied Kashmir. It gives China access to warm water ports of the Indian Ocean and is the strategic axis in their military alliance. On the other hand, if this part of Kashmir were controlled by India, not only would the China-Pakistan land link disappear, but also, India would then share a direct border with Afghanistan, and through it, to Central Asia. (Note: Pakistan would still have a long border with Afghanistan, and through it to Central Asia.)

Besides military contacts and links, this tiny region within Kashmir is also a potential path for natural gas pipelines from the rich Caspian Sea to the Indian and ASEAN economies.

Furthermore, the Indus river flows through the Indian controlled Kashmir. It supplies most of the fresh water to Pakistan and much of North India. Besides irrigation, this water is also a resource for electricity generation. Right now, India is honoring the Indus Water Treaty signed with Pakistan in 1960, but the government is coming under increasing pressure to cancel it, and to renegotiate a new and more equitable treaty.

Central Asia has more oil/gas reserves than the Arabian Peninsula; more diverse cultures, nationalities and ideologies coming together than any other place in the world; and very militarily strategic terrain. Control over Kashmir is made more critical because of its location.

The US would not want such a strategic location to become another Talibanized State similar to what Afghanistan was. Yet, an independent Kashmir would not be sustainable. It has too many neighbors, with porous mountainous borders — a point now finally understood by the world concerning India’s problem in dealing with cross-border terrorism. Hence, Kashmir as a demilitarized, Switzerland-like neutral and peaceful haven is just a panacea for the academic idealists who lack a sense of pragmatism.

The religious significance of Kashmir to Buddhists and Hindus has not been appreciated in the media. Whereas the Palestine issue revolves around the unique religious importance of that sacred geography to Muslims, there is no special significance of Kashmir to the Muslim world, except as more territory. On the other hand, Shaivism, an important Hindu denomination, is based in the Kashmiri sacred, geographic landscape; similarly important is Kashmir to the Indo-Tibetan Buddhist history. Given how important Palestine is to the Muslims, would it be a reasonable expectation for people to appreciate similar sentiments of Hindus and Buddhists with respect to Kashmir? In order to be secular, the Indian government has never made this point, whereas if the US were facing a similar situation, it would certainly consider the sentiments of the Christian majority without compromising its secular ethos.

Ripple Effects Within India and Pakistan:

Neither Pakistan nor India would remain viable sovereign states in the long term, depending on the hypothetical loss of Kashmir to the other.

In Pakistan’s case, far too much has been invested in the myth of a “Pakistani Kashmir,” at the cost of economic and human development of its own people. In fact, an independent Kashmir would also not suffice to meet the needs of the grand myth of Pakistan. If Kashmir were to become independent of both India and Pakistan, the cross border terrorism by Pakistan would continue, with or without the Pakistani government’s official participation, except that it would be against a much weaker enemy than India.

Here is a likely scenario of what would happen in case India was to lose Kashmir: Similar plebiscites could be demanded by any district with a pocket of Muslim majority. There are eight such Muslim enclaves in India, and a recent study has shown that all Hindu-Muslim violence over the past fifty years has been localized to these eight. Even before any such plebiscite demands get articulated, Hindus would suspect this to be the general Muslim trend everywhere, and would start acting in anticipation of it. This means that the Hindu-Muslim relations in India, now soured in eight localities, would become sour across India. Here, I must remind readers that India has 140 million Muslims, about the same number as Pakistan’s total population. Hence, the scale of this violence would dwarf anything witnessed in Bosnia or Palestine. The ultimate result of this would be a Balkanization of India.

To Pakistanis rubbing their hands in glee at such a prospect, it would be important to consider that any Balkanization of India would certainly be accompanied by exactly the same for Pakistan as well. The US should note that this would turn the entire sub-continent into a thousand Bosnias and Palestines — the ultimate playground of the likes of UBL.

Precedence Setting Worldwide:

Kashmir has only 1% of India’s population. Would a district with 1% of the US population be entitled to a plebiscite? How about similar separatist movements in Spain, UK, Italy, and China? None of these countries want to discuss such topics.

As a matter of principle, should the world move towards religion-based sovereignty, or should it work towards pluralism? The former is easier to achieve short term, whereas the latter is very complex and filled with risky uphill work. But which is the better goal in the long term?

The answer here would impact what happens in USA, as it becomes even more diverse. By 2050, whites will become a minority in USA, and Islam will be one of its largest communities. Will Dar-ul-Islam struggle against the United States of America, inspired by such precedence?

Does globalization demand pluralism or exclusivism, democracy or totalitarianism?

Rethinking ‘Sovereignty’

Should the rights of sovereignty of fewer than 10 million Kashmir residents (many of whom are recent illegal migrants from other regions, displacing the indigenous Hindu Kashmiris into refugee camps in India) be at the cost of the aforementioned legitimate interests of the 3 billion people across the surrounding regions of Asia?

Conventional ideas of sovereignty, that became operative since the Middle Ages, need to be challenged philosophically.

Already, people no longer have sovereignty rights to destroy the ozone layer over their own air space, or to kill endangered species, or to cause acid rain, and so forth. Cyber gambling and other crime is prosecuted across national boundaries, as are drug supply and money laundering.

Even though I technically own “my” house in Princeton, there are egress and ingress rights belonging to neighbors, and many kinds of easement rights to utilities in the broader public interest. There are many limits to what I may do on my own property. The same principles should also be applied to sovereignty.

Conventional sovereignty may be an obsolete idea in preference to EU styled pan regional approaches. For instance, India’s historical access to the Silk Route cannot legitimately be blocked for gas pipelines and other modern items of flow, and nor should this be at the mercy of an enemy controlling the toll booths and gates.

A principle of globalization that is important to debate is as follows: The rights of society at large must supercede the rights of relatively small communities who physically occupy a localized geography.Globalization must balance localization.

What the locals deserve, then, is human rights within the context of broader geopolitical structures.

Negotiating with Pan-Islam

Given the military and economic vulnerability of Kashmiris, especially in light of the heavy infiltration by foreign jihadis, no deal would be sustainable without the participation of the larger global forces that operate indirectly. However, who would speak for and commit on behalf of Pan-Islam, to honor any such deal that would guarantee non interference?

Yet, ignoring Pan-Islam would be tantamount to de-legitimizing the Koran. The injunctions and edicts concerning Dar-ul-Islam are well codified in Islamic canon. The Nation of Islam must supercede all man-made sovereignties, it says very clearly and unambiguously. So we cannot have it both ways: we cannot, on the one hand, pretend that all is well between Islam and the rest of humanity, and on the other hand, ignore such Islamic injunctions that are its very pillars.

Given the Pan-Islamic nature of jihad today, without an ironclad guarantee from Pan-Islam, I would never trust the validity of any deal in which jihadi activity would have to cease and desist in perpetuity. We need open and candid negotiations with whosoever speaks for Pan-Islam. As it is, it is tough enough to determine who speaks for the Palestinians; it would be much tougher to determine who speaks for Pan-Islam.

It is often heard nowadays that a global conference on Kashmir should be called. I disagree about its usefulness. For, the forces that are most powerful in controlling events on the ground in Kashmir indirectly, i.e. Pan-Islamic fundamentalism, are not likely to be at the table. No deal of any kind would make any difference to their activities.

General Musharraf simply cannot honor such a guarantee, just as Yasser Arafat has failed to end the jihadin Palestine. If Musharraf cannot stop terrorism now, despite a massive military buildup of India and intense international pressure, then how could he possibly stop terrorism against Kashmir if the Indian military were not there?

America’s Real Nightmare

In summary, the Kashmir issue is several times more complex than the Palestine issue. It is unsolvable in the near future, although bilateral dialog must occur between India and Pakistan, to commence confidence building measures.

The US should not plan its strategy for the region on the assumption of a resolution in the foreseeable future. Rather, the US must focus on its own vital security interests, which were stated at the beginning of this article.

Given that a deal guaranteed by Pan-Islam is impossible at this stage, here is the next best thing to do: there should be a conference on how to restore genuine and long term democracy in Pakistan, one that would bring economic prosperity to its people, through modernity, education, secularism, and separation of mosque and state. In any such project, India should give its full support. Let the Kashmir real estate dispute not distract from the urgent issue concerning democracy versus the impending militant takeover of Pakistan. Bhutto is right!

Some problems are unsolvable, and Kashmir is one of them under the present circumstances in Pakistan. It is far better to be good neighbors, who compete for development of their citizens, rather than engage in conflict. If this immediate agenda could be made to work, then a future generation might well be in a better position to resolve the Kashmir issue. By then, there could be an EU styled common market of Asia with free flow of people, money and goods — making the notion of any plebiscite obsolete.

Meanwhile, the Kashmir issue should be put in escrow, and the immediate American question should be: who will control Pakistan’s nukes? This could be America’s last chance before the answer turns horribly unacceptable. In fact, many Western media analyses indicate that the Al Qaeda’s highest priority now is to take control of at least some nukes. Their strategy, it is felt by these reports, is to precipitate an India-Pakistan war, giving their supporters in the ISI a window of opportunity.

Prevention of nuclear terrorism should be the foremost goal for the US. This requires out-of-the-box thinking, which does not appear to be Colin Powell’s area of strength. Bush does appear very open to strategic rethinking, and Rumsfeld is courageous enough to help him do so. Considerable talent in US think-tanks has reached similar conclusions, but there seems to be reluctance to deal with the drastic shift in policy required. These uncomfortable policies seem to have become the shadow side of many US decision makers.

Facing the issue squarely implies immediately placing Pakistan’s nukes into American safe keeping on Pakistani soil, with the understanding that US Special Forces would remove these only in the event that the government changed into one that was unacceptable to the US.

In the long term, the establishment of grass-roots democracy in The Islamic Republic of Pakistan would be the best safeguard against such threats, and this must be started now.

While Colin Powell has assumed that Musharraf holds all the cards, the fact is that he owes his legitimacy as President of The Islamic Republic of Pakistan to US support and generosity.

Finally, the hot new idea of American/British patrols of the LOC has merit, provided: (a) there are formal limits to what they may do, and (b) a part of the job is to eradicate militant training camps in POK. The latter could be a very creative way to help Musharraf eliminate the Al Qaeda from his soil without losing face.

Published: 2002

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Hinduism in American Classrooms

Dave Freedholm teaches world religion and philosophy at a nationally recognized independent college preparatory school in the U.S. He was recently a delegate to the World Congress for the Preservation of Religious Diversity in Delhi, India. A frequent speaker on Hinduism and religious pluralism, Dave co-authored Hinduism: An Introduction for High School Students with Prof. Arvind Sharma.

I consider his views interesting for two reasons. First, as a teacher, he has important things to say about how schools portray India and its traditions. Second, as he identifies himself as a Hindu, his insights may also reflect the views of many ‘Euro-American Hindus’, i.e., the over 15 million Americans who now practice Hindu activities, such as yoga, meditation, and kirtan. The Indian media have given neither of these perspectives much coverage.

Rajiv:

Why are you interested in the way Hinduism is portrayed in American textbooks?

Dave:

Any treatment of India in courses on world history, social studies, or in any other discipline, inevitably includes an analysis of Hinduism. Thus, portrayals of Hinduism greatly affect America’s understanding of India. This is a point that many ‘secular’ Indians seem to ignore, hoping that they can construct an image of an India apart from religion. But, it seems to me, such efforts are doomed to fail. The importance of understanding the role religion plays in the world, especially after September 11, has never been more apparent. This is reflected in the U.S. by increasing interest in studying world religion in secondary schools, public and private. It is important to note that ‘teaching about’ religion is not the same as preaching or promoting any given religion. Rather, it is a distant and objective view. While I understand religion is deliberately excluded from the education system in India just as it has been in the U.S., I hope that they, too, will consider the importance of giving students a fair and sympathetic introduction to the world’s religions in a neutral manner.

Given the surge in interest in teaching world religion, it is about time that America’s education system takes a serious look at the way Hinduism is currently portrayed in its textbooks. As a teacher in a religiously unaffiliated, independent high school, I have been able to teach world religion and world philosophy to American high school students for some time. Over the years, I’ve become increasingly dissatisfied with the ways in which Hinduism is treated in the textbooks I’ve used and reviewed.

Rajiv:

Why? In what ways are these portrayals different from your understanding and experience of Hinduism?

Dave:

I’ve spent years studying theology in general and Hinduism in particular in an academic way. Also, I’ve been a practitioner of Hindu spirituality for some years. I’m one of the millions of Americans who practice yoga,kirtan and meditation. I’ve made several trips to India, including a pilgrimage to the source of the Ganges River. Last year, I led a group of high school students to India and Nepal.

In all my encounters with Hindus and Hinduism, both in the U.S. and abroad, I’ve never recognized the ‘Hinduism’ that is described in many American textbooks. Also, it has surprised me to find so many Indian Hindus who seem reluctant to identify themselves as such, as if there were some taboo associated with it. I wonder if the negative stereotypes often connected with Hinduism have resulted in this suppression of identity, especially with young people growing up in a ‘Westernized’ world.

Rajiv:

How does the treatment of Hinduism in textbooks differ from the treatment of other religions?

Dave:

When scholars examine the world’s religions, they usually attempt to distinguish between their ‘universal’ theological/philosophical foundations and the particular historically and culturally bound social structures of societies that practice those religions. To take Christianity as an example, biblical scholars, using a sophisticated hermeneutics, extract a ‘universal’ Pauline theology from the social context of Paul’s letters that presumed slavery, the subjugation of women, etc. Pauline statements that seem to support this social order are reinterpreted in light of passages that are deemed to reflect more universal values.

Rajiv:

What are specific examples of how Christianity’s core theology is kept separate from social ills in its history?

Dave:

Any particular historical and/or social outworking of Christianity is interpreted in context and distinguished from universal Christian theology. Hence, the feudal system in medieval Europe, which was widely justified via Christian theology and texts, is not used as a defining characteristic of Christianity or an interpretive key for its theology today. The same could be said for the system of slavery upon which ‘Christian’ America was built. In fact, as time moved on, Christian theology and biblical interpretation were later used to overturn these systems.

Likewise, unjust social and economic structures in predominantly Christian countries today are not used as defining characteristics of Christianity or Christian theology. To give one more example, Christian theologians today have repudiated the anti-Judaism which was widely practiced in Christian societies for a long time and culminated in the Holocaust by arguing that anti-Judaism is not a part of ‘genuine’ Christianity as properly understood.

Most Christians today (and most scholars of religion) would be scandalized if the feudal system, slavery, capitalist exploitation or anti-Judaism were used to define the essence of Christianity. They would understand these things as historically and socially bound and not part of Christian universal ideals. In short, descriptions of Christianity in textbooks would distinguish the core or essence of Christian theology from specific social, historical and political contexts. However, Hinduism is not treated in the same way.

Rajiv:

To look for a moment at other examples, isn’t the same true in the portrayal of Islam post-Sept. 11? Don’t many scholars of Islam and many Muslims assert that it is wrong to portray ‘genuine’ Islam by appealing to social policies of the Taliban or the violent jihad of bin Laden?

Dave:

Absolutely. Muslims would be up in arms if American schoolchildren were to be taught about Islam through that negative lens.

Rajiv:

Yet, you take the position that the same even-handed treatment isn’t given to Hinduism, is that right?

Dave:

That is unfortunately, the case. Let’s look at the example of caste again. When it comes to portraying Hinduism, scholars use ‘caste’ (itself a European construct) as a (and sometimes the) defining characteristic of Hinduism and Hindu theology/philosophy. As Ronald Inden has emphasized, caste has become an ‘essence’ in defining Hinduism and India. Little or no attempt is made to understand caste as a context-bound social structure apart from the more universal elements of Hindu thought.

Also, textbooks often ignore attempts by Hindu reformers and thinkers to use Hindu theology itself to combat what many see as an unjust social system that has little to do with ‘genuine’ Hinduism. The sophisticated theological, historical and sociological interpretation given to Christianity (and other religions) is often denied to Hinduism. Instead, ‘caste’ is used as a club against Hinduism, in order to prove its backwardness when compared to other religions.

Rajiv:

In your research on the hardened, four-tier ‘caste system’ that is seen as essential to Indian society, what did you find to be the historical factors that gave it shape?

Dave:

It does seem that the caste system, as understood today, was foisted on Indian society by its Western (Christian) oppressors, the British. A number of scholars have done work on this recently (see, e.g., Dirks, Hobson and Kishwar). The British were frustrated in their attempts to understand and govern in the midst of the very diverse community-bound, self-governing sets of social customs and laws which existed in Indian society. The British wanted to find a ‘universal’ set of ‘Hindu’ laws and customs (like their own) that they could use to govern (read ‘subjugate’) India. Finding no simplistic universal laws similar to, say, the Ten Commandments, they established their idea of ‘Hindu Law’ based on their interpretation of the Manusmriti.

As Madhu Kishwar writes, “A policy decision was taken at the highest levels in the India Office to keep this particular document in circulation and project it as the fountainhead of Hindu jurisprudence, for the purpose of perpetuating the illusion that the British were merely enforcing the shastric injunctions by which Hindus were governed anyway, and that they had inherited the authority to administer this law.”

Censuses were conducted by the British to confirm and solidify the system that they themselves had identified and established as a norm. They then promoted this myth to the Indian population and to people abroad (with the aid of Western scholars) until it became accepted as a historical, sociological and philosophical ‘truth’.

Rajiv:

What was the impact of all this?

Dave:

‘Caste’ was used to justify Christian proselytizing and for continued domination over the Indian population, and this continues to be the case today. Also, the ills of contemporary Indian society (poverty, caste, etc.), which were exacerbated in part due to centuries-long foreign occupation, exploitation and domination, are blamed primarily on Hindu thought. Thus, some Western scholars, ignoring the historic subversion of Indian society and Hinduism by the West, align themselves with the ‘oppressed’ against the ‘evils’ of Hinduism. The victim is made to feel guilty, and hence the ‘Hindu shame’ I find amongst some Hindus.

Rajiv:

Have you been able to identify what modern Hindu leaders and thinkers have done, or are doing, to reform the caste system?

Dave:

Efforts within Hindu society to reform itself, and to provide a new vision of Hinduism, are too often ignored or downplayed. Many leading Hindu religious leaders and thinkers (the list here would be tremendously long) have repudiated the caste system and tried to articulate a Hindu theology that is far more universal in character. Gandhi is an obvious example. Also, the great representative of Hinduism in the West at the turn of the 20th century, Swami Vivekananda, came out definitively against the caste system.

Vivekananda spoke candidly of the problems caused by inequality in Indian society, and of the need for reform. But he refused to see caste and other social problems as being inherently a part of Hinduism, seeing them rather as a perversion of its ideals. He challenged his fellow Hindus to strive for the ideals embodied in their tradition, saying: “Religion, the common inheritance, the universal birthright of the race, must be brought free to the door of everybody.”

Likewise, most modern Hindu leaders have advocated societal reforms and an end to discrimination based on caste. Furthermore, such discrimination has already been legally abolished by the Indian Constitution. It is natural that it will take time to end the problems, just as the abolition of slavery did not end racism and prejudice in the U.S. It takes time to eliminate ingrained prejudices and patterns of behavior.

Rajiv:

What have you seen in India regarding reform of the caste system?

Dave:

I am a great admirer and supporter of the work of Pujya Swami Chidanand Saraswatiji of Parmarth Niketan in Rishikesh. He is one of the most admired Hindu leaders in India today, and runs numerous charitable projects, such as medical clinics for the poor, earthquake relief, orphanages, environmental projects, schools for the poor, etc. All of these services are open to everyone regardless of gender, caste, ethnicity or religion. At Parmarth Niketan, there is an orphanage for young boys from all castes and backgrounds. They are given a well-rounded education, including training in Sanskrit and Indian culture. Last fall, the ashram conducted a sacred thread ceremony for boys coming of age. This ceremony has usually been reserved for high caste boys, but it was performed for any boy who requested it, no matter what his background. I found no distinctions based on caste. This is just one example of many similar reforms going on from within the tradition.

Rajiv:

Why have such views and efforts within Hindu society been ignored?

Dave:

Attempts by Hindus to define themselves are seen as invalid or irrelevant because they are not consistent with the construct of Hinduism in place today. As Madhu Kishwar says, “People in India have demonstrated time and again that they are willing to accept changes in their customs, provided those who propose change take the trouble to win the confidence of the community, rather than attack or humiliate the community as hostile outsiders. The success of the 19th-century social reformers is testimony to this inherent flexibility of Hindu communities. In recent decades, the work of Swadhyaya in parts of western India, the Radhasoamis in Northern India, and many other reform movements have carried forward the same tradition.”

Rajiv:

Is caste central to portrayals of Hinduism in American textbooks?

Dave:

Yes, absolutely. In recent years, Hindus in the U.S. have examined the portrayals of India and Hinduism in textbooks. First of all, American students are taught very little about India and Hinduism, especially in public schools. When India and Hinduism are mentioned in world history textbooks, caste is often one of the few things taught. To give just one example, students in New York State are required to take an exam in world history. The world’s major belief systems are an area of examination. In reviews and sample essays in this area, caste is offered as the defining characteristic of Hinduism. In religion textbooks used in many major colleges, caste is the central part of almost every treatment of Hinduism.

Rajiv:

What other problems exist in how India and Hinduism are portrayed in American textbooks?

Dave:

My review of many different textbooks shows that Indians’ own achievements are underemphasized, if mentioned at all. What is emphasized are the ‘benefits’ brought by outsiders entering India by invasion or other means. This has been called “the invasion theory of India.” Under this picture of Indian history, the British period is mainly the history of the British, as it played out in India. The Islamic period is mainly about Islamic rulers and what they were doing in India — and so on. Indians do not seem to have their own history.

This reminds me of the earlier accounts of African-American history, in which African-Americans were seen as objects in the lives of their masters, and not as having a history of their own per se. Recently, many eminent African-American scholars have got organized and changed the way the history of African-Americans is understood and written in textbooks. Indians have not attempted this seriously, it seems.

Rajiv:

So what should be done about this?

Dave:

Well, based on what we have discussed, the problem seems clear. Rather than looking for what is universal in Hindu beliefs and practices, textbooks focus on and define Hinduism based on a social structure that is tangentially related and is not at its philosophical core. It would be like making the crusades in medieval Europe, or racism and segregation in 20th-century America — societal ills that were justified by some with appeals to Christian theology — as the defining characteristics or essences of Christianity.

It is important to identify the universal principles and practices that are essential to Hinduism across cultures and nations, especially now that Hinduism is being practiced outside of India and Indian culture. In the U.S., the Indian-American community continues to grow, and there are now many second and third generation Hindus who have grown up in American society. The same is true in the U.K., Australia, Canada and elsewhere. As well, increasing numbers of Euro-Americans have begun practicing Hinduism. In fact, I’m happy to be identified as a Hindu. What does it mean to be a Hindu in cultures where caste is irrelevant?

Rajiv:

What is at stake here?

Dave:

In the end, it seems incumbent on scholars to reassess the way they interpret Hinduism, especially with regard to caste. Will interpretations of Hinduism be done with the same theological/philosophical, historical and sociological sophistication and subtlety accorded to other religions? Further, will they allow Hindus to offer interpretations of their own faith that reflect new self-understandings and self-interpretations in light of new historical and social settings and concerns? Or will they continue to insist that Hindus and Hinduism conform to the images that were, and still are, made by those outside the community?

Rajiv:

When I raise these issues with Indians, they seem convinced that there already exist many excellent books on India and Hinduism. So why are these not being used in schools?

Dave:

There are some excellent books on India and Hinduism. Unfortunately, none are especially well-suited to the particular needs of U.S. secondary school students and teachers. For example, books intended for use within a faith community would not work well in American schools, which emphasize the neutral, academic study of various religions. As well, it is important to consider just how materials on India and Hinduism might be used within existing school curricula in the U.S. It is important to understand the system in place and discover ways to make an impact within the institutions that exist and that are very powerful.

Rajiv:

What have other religions and nationalities done in similar circumstances?

Dave:

Islam, Christianity, and Judaism, each have several very well funded and professionally run organizations, whose sole purpose is to bring American educators together, to ensure an authentic and sympathetic understanding of their faiths in schools. They lobby, they fund new publications that meet academic standards and norms, they participate in educational conferences, and they have representatives on education boards. In other words, they are involved, as opposed to assuming that all is well in the hands of third parties.

Rajiv:

Thanks for speaking candidly about your professional views as well as some personal beliefs. This takes courage, commitment, and clarity. Yours is an interesting perspective that deserves to be integrated along with various other perspectives, if there is to be a truly ‘global’ Hinduism.

Dave:

I am delighted to be able to explain to an Indian audience how many non-Indians feel about these matters.

Published: 2002

 

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The ‘Western Only’ Curriculum

Are Educators Handicapping Students for the Globalization Era? Case Study: St. Johns

This essay is provoked by the reading list of St. John’s College, one of the oldest and most prestigious institutions in the US, sent to my son and thousands of potential applicants to colleges. Their cover page proudly states that this list of great thinkers constitutes the complete program at St. John’s. Something appears to be rather strange about this list of great thinkers…

The startling fact is that there is not even one non-western thinker on this list. What about Buddha, Confucius, Gandhi, Sri Aurobindo, Shankara, Vivekananda, Nagarjuna, Lao Tzu, the rishis of theUpanishads, J. Krishnamurti, Dalai Lama, and hundreds of other great thinkers from the East? What about the Eastern thinkers who:

– Developed the first complete grammar of any language thousands of years before the West started to even think of grammar?

– Developed the decimal number system now taken for granted, along with other major foundations of astronomy and mathematics?

– Discovered and practiced enhanced states of consciousness, including many of the fields appropriated into modern psychology, whereas the West until recently ignored the study of the mind and then focused mainly on the study of mental disorders?

– Constructed sophisticated and elaborate systems of epistemology and logic, centuries before similar questions were addressed in Europe?

– Uncovered healing mechanisms, which the modern medical establishment is now beginning to appreciate and incorporate?

– Pioneered lifestyles of vegetarianism and sacredness of nature, based on the related ideas of reincarnation and that animals too have ‘souls’?

I am not picking on St. John’s per se, as the situation is endemic in American academia. Many philosophybooks even state explicitly that there is nothing east of Greece worthy to be included in a modern education. Most philosophy departments have virtually no courses on non-western thinkers, and those that do have a small emphasis on them, often portrayed in a patronizing and derogatory manner. Likewise, in psychology research and popular writings, it has become commonplace to appropriate from eastern sources masking the origins to make the modern scholar appear original and ‘scientific’. The taboo of the East as a source of universal ideas has created a market for bootleggers, who first spend years studying from the East and then broker the repackaged knowledge in their own name. The academic curriculum of the classics totally ignores the great classics from the East, as if they did not even exist. The history of science as portrayed today virtually ignores the contributions from the East, when in fact they pioneered many of the things that were appropriated centuries later by the West, such as paper, printing, and gunpowder.

Some of the major falsehoods being perpetuated for the sake of loyalty to cultural membership are:

– The West is considered ‘rational’ and the East as ‘mystical’. This is particularly serious since the Church denounced mystical experiences as heretic and later Kant firmly established in the European mind that rationality and mysticism were mutually exclusive.

– Non-western beliefs are considered ‘world negating’. This is often considered proven by the poverty in non-western countries during the colonial and post-colonial period.

– The East, as a result of (2), is portrayed as not having the West’s social systems and ethics. It is portrayed as not contributing towards advancement, leaving the West to shoulder this burden. This is seen as further support for western intervention from a privileged position.

– Eastern religions are classified as polytheistic whereas the West claims that it gave the world the notion of monotheism (heard directly from God). Polytheism, being neo-paganism, was already rejected by Greco-Semitic religions millennia ago, and is therefore implicitly or explicitly inferior.

What is wrong with all this? Here is what is wrong with this education:

– Students will encounter the East in multiple ways in the globalization era. During my business experience in 25 countries around the world, far too many times I came across well-meaning but naive Americans who felt more comfortable staying within the ‘MacDonald’s cocoon’ rather than meaningfully engaging in other cultures. On the other hand, eastern cultures, fresh out of colonialism, have a renewed appreciation of their heritage and combine this with their understanding of the West. This stereotyping places American students at a handicap in the global era.

– The geo-political harmony of the world cannot be sustained if tomorrow’s leaders of business and government are culturally and intellectually parochial and narrow-minded.

– Given the rapidly increasing pluralistic and multi-cultural domestic environment in America, social harmony in neighborhoods, workplaces and classrooms requires a genuinely globalized education.

– Left to bootleggers, the enormous wisdom of the East is delivered to modern society distorted and in dribbles, for the self-serving needs of a few scholars in the middle.

– The standards of ethics in scholarship should not be lowered when appropriating from the East, in the same way as the standards of labor, medical testing and environmental laws must not be lowered when American firms manufacture off-shore.

Let us examine what the main causes behind this institutionalized trend to marginalize the East in America’s collective psyche might be. Besides personal biases of the scholars, I offer the following theory, based on the prevailing cultural narrative in the West. The narrative serving as the implicit paradigm of America’s self image in history, has the following background:

– Rooted in the canon of the sinful and condemned past of man, history has been constructed by Europeans over the past four centuries as the story from dark to light, from bad to good, from backward to advanced, symbolizing the triumph of knowledge over ignorance, reason over superstition, freedom over bondage, and the transition from less western to more western. As a consequence, nothing ancient could be better than what is modern, especially since the West was not a major civilization until recent times.

– Therefore, the prevailing construction of history is depicted as the destiny of the ‘winning’ races, religions and ideas in a Darwinian game. Because the West got its marching orders straight from God, via historically unique prophets who were geographically and culturally of the West, it is therefore inferred that the truth, values, and ideas from such a western system must be absolute. Accordingly, the West must be shown as the founders of civilization, including philosophy, religion, social systems, science and culture.

– The enormous success of science and technology in the past two centuries is presented as the epitome of this victory, and considered as irrefutable proof of the West’s destiny. Fred Dallmayr calls it, “the robust self-assuredness and self-congratulation celebrating modern western culture as the Zenith of human evolution.”

– Furthermore, it is viewed as God’s plan that this be spread to the world, to save others. Hence, the West must now go and convert all others and project its beliefs upon others, by hook or crook, to carry out its civilizing mission under this plan. Therefore, globalization is seen largely as the imposition of modern, western ideas upon others. Local traditions are seen as defects or diseases whose cure is the West’s responsibility.

(Interestingly, since the Native Americans themselves have been virtually exterminated, their traditions are no longer seen as a threat to the West, and hence are gaining respect and recognition.)

Dallmayr refers to this mentality as, “pretensions of intellectual universalism” and “chauvinism of idiom.” Foucault and Derrida also challenged this superiority complex, and Merleau-Ponty hoped for a renewed learning experience, achieved through an opening of the West to its excluded ‘other’. But these ideas fell mostly on deaf ears even among those who paid great tribute to these post-modernist thinkers.

Published: 2001

 

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Is Anthropology of Western Culture by Others Banned

I am in an e-group called ‘openrisa’ whose very purpose was to counter the closed the elitist nature of risa. Openrisa was started by an Australian scholar of Hinduism. However, it seems that when I write something in response to a comment about Indian culture, such that I point out similar ethnic peculiarities amongst western people, the moderator refuses to allow my post.

It is as though western people are off limits for study by non-westerners, using the same anthropology and other methodologies by which the non-westerners are routinely studied. When we want to know something about them, they will tell us what to think, and we are prevented from having our own independent perspectives.

Below is my latest post that he censored. A Belgian scholar had posted that Indians and Orientals in general are very, very seriously hung up on their symbols, and he heroically proclaimed that westerners are not so symbol-driven. So in response, I wanted to show that westerns also love their symbols. He rejected my post (which I copy below) with the diplomatic remark that it is interesting but “NOT on topic.”

Why does he arbitrarily get to censor – that too in the name of a list which I helped popularize in the name of open and free exchange of ideas that are suppressed by risa?

Why are non-westerners disallowed from viewing white people as exotically as is routinely done in reverse? This reversal of the gaze should be encouraged, as it would improve mutual understanding and should not be suppressed.

Regards, Rajiv

MY REJECTED POST IS BELOW. PLEASE JUDGE FOR YOURSELF:

Koenraad Elst: “Indians and some other Orientals (like some dwindling groups in the West) take symbols very very seriously, and we don’t.”

This is not true of westerners, but a major blindness of scholars today.

Ronald Reagan’s funeral and week-long ceremonies were a larger than life display of the American Grand Narrative. Americans do take their symbols, narratives, history (much of it falsely and chauvinistically taught) very, very seriously. This notion that westerners don’t take their Grand Narratives seriously is what I call postmodern blindness. It pretends that western myths are universal, and hence claims there is no “western” myth as such (having elevated western myths to universal truths, ethics, human rights…)

Secular westerners circumcise, bury their dead (as opposed to cremation that is cleaner, cheaper and better ecologically), have church weddings, have laws based on Biblical notions like “retribution” and so forth, give their kids Biblical names…

Kennedy’s assassination was a terrible blow to the American Grand Narrative. Thereafter, Jacqueline Kennedy filled the symbolic role of American Camelot, until she married a “foreigner” Onassis which was very hurtful to Americans’ sense of national symbolism. Despite this devaluation of her symbolic value, she remained symbolically special as the honors upon her death demonstrated.

The Brits have their royals as pride of national identity or else they would not support their extravagances. Princess Diana’s wedding was the zenith of English symbolism, and her death was the British equivalent of America’s September 11 – a blow to the Grand Narrative of the nation.

The French have their pride in Cannes, wines, cosmetics, fashions, Paris, etc. – btw, French cultural exports create more jobs than any other industry, so symbolism is serious economic stuff.

Symbolic capital is a well understood asset category in western society, hence much is done to protect it; in the political realm it is called soft power (J, Nye of Harvard coined the term).

When I used to work in Brussels, I asked many times why Belgium needs to exist as a separate nation. Why not merge half of it with France and the other half with Holland? When you answer this you will automatically understand that symbolism is very, very important to those highly rational and progressive Europeans.

Bottom line: Different societies have different kinds of symbols, but they do have them and value them. It’s a classical western blind spot to say that Orientalists are very, very stuck on symbols but that the westerners being rational have evolved beyond this nonsense. In fact, Westerners spend more on their “nonsensical” symbolism, project them worldwide more assertively (as any trademark attorney will confirm), and value their identity as “Westerners” which is based largely on symbolism.

Published: 2004

 

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The Axis of Neocolonialism

“In the modern planetary situation, Eastern and Western ‘cultures’ can no longer meet one another as equal partners. They meet in a westernized world, under conditions shaped by western ways of thinking.” — W. Halbfass[1]

This essay argues that intellectual svaraj (self-rule) is as fundamental to the long term success of a civilization as is svaraj in the political and financial areas. Therefore, it is important to ask: whose way of representing knowledge will be in control? It is the representation system that defines the metaphors and terminology, interprets what they mean in various situations, influences what issues are selected to focus on, and, most importantly, grants privileges by determining who is to control this marketplace of ideas.

As an implicit body of standards, a representation system disguises a meta-ideology – the substratum of contexts on which specific ideologies emerge and interact. It includes the language used and the unstated frames of reference, and acts as the subliminal filter through which positions are constructed and their fate negotiated.

A people without their own representation system, in a worst case scenario, get reduced to being intellectual consumers looking up to the dominant culture. In the best case scenario, they could become intellectual producers, but only within the representation system as defined and controlled by the dominant culture, such as has happened recently with many Indian writers in English.

Ashis Nandy summarizes how this mental colonialism was brought about:

“This colonialism colonises minds in addition to bodies and it releases forces within colonized societies to alter their cultural priorities once and for all…. Particularly, once the British rulers and the exposed sections of Indians internalized the colonial role definitions….the battle for the minds of men was to a great extent won by the Raj.”[2]

The repetitious use of a given representation system eventually leads to a widely accepted set of “essences,” as stated by Friedreich Nietzsche:

“The reputation, name, and appearance, the usual measure and weight of a thing, what it counts for — originally almost always wrong and arbitrary — grows from generation unto generation, merely because people believe in it, until it gradually grows to be a part of the thing and turns into its very body. What at first was appearance becomes in the end, almost invariably, the essence and is effective as such.”

Therefore, control over the representation of knowledge is analogous to control over the operating system of computers: representation systems are to competing ideas what operating systems are to computer applications. Control over this platform, especially its invisible standards and rules, is of strategic consequence.

The structure of the essay is as follows: (1) Explaining the origins of neocolonialism. (2) Showing that many Indians are themselves perpetuating neocolonialism today. (3) Linking this with Western control from above the glass ceiling.

PART 1: The Origins of Neocolonialism

Part 1 explains the origins and causes of neocolonialism in India today, resulting from the abandonment of its rich classical tradition, and replacement by knowledge representation systems imposed by the colonizers. Let us understand how the West got to control today’s knowledge representation systems.

The hallmark of a good education in an American liberal arts college is based on what is called the “Western Classics.” A study of Western Civilization starts with the study of ancient Greek and Semitic thought, before moving on to Classical Roman, modern European, and finally, American thought. Such an intellectual foundation is deemed important for one to be considered a well educated person in the humanities, regardless of one’s religious beliefs (or lack thereof), and regardless of one’s specific academic major. By way of illustration only, the following is what one liberal arts college advertises very proudly about its Classics program.

Classics and Classical Civilization at a Typical American Liberal Arts College[3]:

“From the Constitution of the United States, to the framework of modern law, to the vocabulary and ideas of everyday speech and writing, the classics exert a pervasive influence. The power of Greece and Rome extends into virtually every aspect of our modern lives. Western traditions of philosophy, science, religion, art, and, above all, literature draw their origins from the intellectual curiosity and colorful imagination of the ancient Greeks and Romans. The Department of Classics provides a window into the life, times, and ideas of the founders of western society. Students of Greek learn the language of Homer and the idioms of Aristotle and Plato, while Latin classes learn to argue in the words of Cicero and Julius Caesar. The debt we owe to the Greeks and Romans is so large and multi-faceted that the study of classics is interdisciplinary by nature. For example, the classics curriculum includes courses offered by the Departments of Philosophy, Art, Religion, Government, and Science and Technology. Yet, all of these courses form part of a coherent whole for classics majors and minors. Students of the classics reap all the benefits of a liberal arts education, and at the same time, maintain a focus in their studies.

“The Department of Classics is thriving on a resurgence of interest in classical languages and culture….. Students can choose to gain an overview of long periods of classical history, or study shorter periods in great detail…. In class, we apply various modern, even pioneering, theoretical approaches drawn from the disciplines of anthropology, sociology, and literary criticism. Between the department’s offerings on language, literature, history, and culture, and the courses offered by other departments on, for example, ancient philosophy, classical art and architecture, and classical political thoughts, students choose from an extensive array of courses.

“The Department of Classics offers majors and minors in two programs: one in classics, which concentrates on language and literature in Greek, Latin, or both, and one in classical civilization that encompasses all the facets of classical culture. Many students in both programs have taken advantage of the opportunity to study in Greece and Italy through programs especially designed for American students. In Athens, the cradle of Western democracy, and the birthplace of Greek tragedy and Plato’s academy, students can further their studies while familiarizing themselves with the Acropolis and Agora. In Rome, they can continue to pursue the ideals of a classical education while breathing the air that the Roman emperors inhaled, and walking the streets that for centuries saw triumphs over distant peoples. In recent years, our joint major in Classics/Classical Civilization-English has become popular, and we have just added another joint major in Classical Civilization-Anthropology.

“The department strives to emulate the intellectual curiosity of the Greeks and Romans. Our activities extend beyond the classroom to various social, yet educational, events. We have enjoyed showing movies and videos related to the classics from time to time.

“We bring prominent experts from the U.S. and abroad to share new perspectives on topics of the ancient world…. We are proud to have state-of-the-art computer support for our students. By tapping a few keys, they can call up any Greek or Latin text, and search through the entire cannon of classical authors in the original or in translation. Furthermore we have book-marked numerous sites of classical interest on the Internet. All of this in a room graced by reproductions of classical statues, vases, and paintings!

“It is the department’s goal to foster keen intellectual curiosity and sound principles of analysis and problem-solving in all our students, by providing academic stimuli and allowing our students to harness the power of the imagination just like the great thinkers, politicians, artists and writers of Greece and Rome. Not surprisingly, graduates of the [Classics] major are pursuing successful careers in law, medicine, teaching, academia, government, art, management, and other fields. The study of the classics trains the mind for much more than the translation of texts and the analysis of a culture. The study of classics also prepares you to meet life with the confidence of Achilles and the self-reliance of Odysseus.”

I find similar deep respect and dignity for the Western Classics at Princeton, Harvard, Columbia, University of Chicago, Yale, Oxford, Paris, and virtually every top Western university. The benefit is not only intended for those specializing in the Western Classics. The Western Classics are in the core curriculum of many colleges, regardless of specialization.

Marginalization of Indian Classics in India’s Higher Education:

It is important to carefully read the above rationale for the Western Classics program, so as to appreciate why this is deemed so relevant today in Western technologically advanced secular democracies, such as the United States.

Compare this to the tragic state of Indian Classics in India’s own higher education. The equivalent to the Greek Classics would be India’s Vedas, Puranas and other Sanskrit, Pali and Tamil texts. In a comparable education system, students would learn about Pannini, Patanjali, Buddha, Nagarjuna, Dharmakirti, Bharthrhari, Shankara, Abhinavgupta, Bharata Muni, Gangesh, Kalidasa, Aryabhata and dozens of other great classical thinkers produced by India.

Unfortunately, in the name of progress, modernity, and political correctness, Indian Classics have been virtually banished from India’s higher education – a continuation of the policy on Indian education started by the famous Lord Macaulay over 150 years ago.. While India supplies information technology, biotechnology, corporate management, medical and other professionals to the most prestigious organizations of the world[4], it is unable to supply world-class scholars in the disciplines of its own traditions.

The reason is that the nexus of Indology studies remains in Western universities, almost as though decolonization had never happened. The top rated academic journals and conferences on Indology and India related fields are in the West, run largely by Western scholars, and funded by Western private, church and governmental interests. The best research libraries in the Indian Classics are in the West. Religious Studies is the hottest academic field in the humanities in the US, and is growing at a very fast rate, but is non-existent as a discipline in Indian universities.

Therefore, to get an internationally competitive PhD in Sanskrit, Indian Classics, Hinduism, Buddhism, or Jainism Studies, with the highest rigor in methods and theory, such that one may get an academic job in this specialty in a leading international university, a student is forced to go to a US, UK or German university.

Hence, one cannot find qualified experts of Indian religions in India, in order to debate Western scholars. The few Indian scholars within the Western academy who are educated in the Indian Classics, are either below the glass ceiling, or else are politically cautious given the risks to their career ambitions.

Furthermore, the marginalization of India’s heritage in its education system, particularly in the English medium system that produces most of the leaders of modern Indian society, has resulted in the leaders of industry, civil service, media and education becoming a culturally lost generation. The result is today’s self-alienated, cynical youth prevalent in many places, especially in elite positions[5].

The justification given for the study of Greek Classics in the West is not that they are considered 100% “true” today (whatever that might mean), or that better thought has not superceded them. Rather, the purpose is to understand the history of the Western mind, so that students may lay a sound and strong foundation for their thinking in order to move this civilization further into the future. The Western Classics provide the Western intellectual with the resources to be a serious thinker for today.

It is also about the identity of Westerners and their culture. Great emphasis is placed on the integrity of an old “Western Civilization” traced back to Greece (although the massive inputs received from non-Western sources are carefully suppressed – see Part 3). This (re)construction of Western Civilization is an ongoing project, and is considered very critical for the survival and prosperity of what is known as the “West”.

One should apply this logic to Classical Indian thought and see parallel benefits for India’s renaissance. Unfortunately, a great disservice has been done to Indian Classics by equating them with religion. Arguably, the most comprehensive and challenging knowledge representation systems available outside the West are contained in the Indian Classics. The sheer magnitude of India’s Classics is over one hundred times as large as that of the Greek Classics. For a brief glimpse into some of the potentials based on the recovery of Indian Classics, see the web site for an academic Colloquium on this very subject[6]. Yet, whatever little is taught about Indian Classics tends to suffer from its ghetto like positioning as “South Asian,” whereas Greek thought is positioned as being “universal.” The dominant (European) culture, into which Greek thought became assimilated, claims to own the logos (the rational principle that governs and develops the universe), while non-Western peoples’ indigenous ideas are mythos and exotica. Greek Classics are taught in mainstream academia and are not relegated to a particular ethnicity or “area” of the world. Indian Classics, on the other hand, are considered relevant mainly as a way to understand what is unique (i.e. peculiar) about Indian ethnicity.

Furthermore, Greek thought is referenced as being of Greek origin, whereas, when Indian ideas are appropriated, their Indian origin is erased over time: real knowledge is implied to come only from Western sources; all others must wait till they get legitimized by being claimed as Western. This is because the knowledge representation system is under Western control, and hence they are the final arbiters of “what” belongs “where.” Only when something falls under Western control does it become legitimate.

Indic Traditions in the Western Academia:

Interestingly, Western academia hires many Indian scholars in the departments of English Literature, History, Philosophy, Sociology, and Political Science, amongst other humanities. However, while the Western audiences think of them as spokespersons for Indic Traditions, the vast majority of them are unwilling and unqualified to explain Indian Classics seriously. But their Western hosts and colleagues are usually unaware of this shortcoming in most Indian scholars. For this deficiency to become public about an Indian scholar is tantamount to a minor scandal, because they derive much of their clout based on the false perception that they are representatives of Indic thought.

To cover up their ignorance, many elitist Indians resort to a combination of Eurocentric and Marxist rhetoric about Indian civilization – the caste, cows and curry theory of India. They quote Orientalist accounts of India and even base their own scholarship as extensions and derivatives of colonial writings superimposed with Marxism. On the one hand, postcolonial studies are at the very heart of their specialization and career paths. But on the other hand, they are only trained in using Eurocentric hermeneutics and methods. Hence, they can deconstruct Eurocentrism with Western methods, but are completely inept at applying Indic categories and perspectives. They cannot replace the Eurocentric representation model with anything indigenous from India. Postcolonial studies often end up as Orientalism by the neocolonized.

Contrast this with Arab scholars, such as Edward Said and Abu-Lughod, who have led the deconstruction of Eurocentrism, not only generically but also specifically on behalf of Islamic and Arab civilizations. Consequently, it is now becoming fashionable to replace Eurocentric history textbooks with accounts centered around the Middle East, going back to the Middle Ages. Likewise, Nell Painter is amongst the leading critics of Eurocentrism on behalf of Africans. Enrique Dussel is amongst many prominent Latin Americans attacking Eurocentric models.

However, in the case of a specifically Indic deconstruction of Eurocentrism, some of the finest academic challenge is often being delivered by Westerners, such has Ronald Inden and Nicholas Dirks. Many Indian scholars who are entrenched in the Western academe of humanities seem reluctant to risk their loyalty ratings, and in many cases, are simply too ignorant of their own heritage and invested in attacking this heritage.

While pockets of such Indic challenges to Eurocentrism do exist, they are not empowered to revolutionize the fields of religion, history, sociology, anthropology, women’s studies, Asian Studies, literature and art. They occasionally get their symbolic ‘day in court,’ but it is usually not the center court, where it really matters[7].

Indian Secularism ¹ American Secularism:

One serious misunderstanding amongst this milieu of elitist Indians has been their confused interpretation of secularism. The USA is a good nation with which to compare India in matters of secularism. It does notdefine secularism as alienation from its traditions. Even though tracing back American civilization to the Greeks is a big stretch, this link and continuity is emphasized. Certainly, the Judeo-Christian foundation of Americanism is made loud and clear. Recently, there is a new movement to rediscover the Native American heritage as being part of the New Americanism. On the other hand, secularism in India has come to mean anti Indic Traditions, especially anti-Hinduism.

To get certified that they are secular, many Indians line up to prove how they hate Hinduism, or at least how distant they are from what they perceive as a denigrated identity. The historian, Ronald Inden explains the root cause of this dis-ease:

“Nehru’s India was supposed to be committed to ‘secularism’. The idea here in its weaker publicly reiterated form was that the government would not interfere in ‘personal’ religious matters and would create circumstances in which people of all religions could live in harmony. The idea in its stronger, unofficiallv stated form was that in order to modernize, India would have to set aside centuries of traditional religious ignorance and superstition and eventually eliminate Hinduism and Islam from people’s lives altogether. After Independence, governments implemented secularism mostly by refusing to recognize the religious pasts of Indian nationalism, whether Hindu or Muslim, and at the same time (inconsistently) by retaining Muslim ‘personal law’[8].”

This agenda, built on a false definition of secularism, has been taken to such extremes that Sanskrit has been demonized, because it is seen as part of the Evil Brahmin Conspiracy to oppress all the victims of contemporary Indian society. Jawaharlal Nehru University, one of India’s elite institutions in the liberal arts, and the seminary that produces many of these maladjusted intellectuals, has fought hard to resist the establishment of a Sanskrit and Indian Classics department, whereas it is proud of its faculty and curriculum in a wide variety of European languages and civilizations[9].

This is the result of sheer ignorance about the scope and value of Sanskrit literature. Indologists believe that there are over 30 million distinct manuscripts in Sanskrit, mostly not cataloged, with less than one percent ever translated into a non Indian language. The vast majority of Sanskrit texts is not about “religion,” and covers a diverse territory of subjects – medicine, botany, aesthetics, fiction, jokes, sex, political thought, logic, mathematics, and so forth.

Sanskrit was the language of scholarship for a period of several millennia, in the same manner as English has become over the past century. To demonize and suppress this language and its vast literature, in the name of political correctness, is a tragedy against all humanity. Yet this is precisely what has been done for 50 years after India’s independence[10].

The Hegemony of Language:

One result of all this has been that the colonial mistranslations of Sanskrit words have now become accepted by the majority of Indians educated in the English language, not only the scholars but also the leaders of India’s media, higher education, industry and administrative services.

Indic Traditions now have the added burden to legitimize themselves in terms defined by its former colonizers’ culture, i.e., using a Eurocentric frame of reference. Nietzsche’s prophecy quoted in the opening section of this essay has come true. By controlling their language, one can subjugate a people.

The richness of the meaning of a word is often very deeply embedded in the cultural context, in the history of how that word evolved over time, and in the wide contextual bandwidth of nuances and implied meanings that accompany its usage. To understand all the nuances of a word, then, is to understand the host culture. And to understand a complex culture is to live it and be it. This is why great harm is done when a foreign culture, especially a colonial one, imposes its own simplistic translations of Sanskrit.

Even greater is the harm when the natives of a colonized culture adopt these foreign translations – a process that is often gradual and subtle, and achieved with rewards of upward mobility offered by the dominant culture.

When a word with contextually determined meanings is reduced to merely one of its many meanings, it is like assigning a specific constant value to an algebraic variable, and thereby eliminating its usefulness as a variable. If someone translates “cuisine = McDonalds,” or “x = 5” when x is defined to be any real number between 0 and 10, then the reduction is a violence to the thing being represented.

Following are some examples of common reductions of Indic culture, where the contextual meaning is lost, and a simple and fixed meaning is imposed, so as to map it to the Eurocentric framework.

For openers, Ishwar is not God. Of course, both Hindus and Christians believe in one Supreme Reality, but the conception of each one is rather different. While Hindus celebrate the multiplicity of conceptions (as internal pluralism), the Abrahamic religions demand mono-conception (which they equate with monotheism). Ishvara has countless forms in which he is manifested inside the cosmos affording an individual access via his/her personal choice of form. But God is said to get very pissed off at “graven images” of Him, according to Abrahamic religions.

The Abrahamic Supreme Being is a male, angry and jealous God, with pathological notions such as Eternal Damnation that drive people into terrible obsessions in order to get “saved.” The Abrahamic God intervenes in history very rarely, and hence ends up privileging some tribe or community exclusively over all others.

If “Ishvara = God” were to be valid, then it would have to be an equality in both directions. Lets take the mapping “God à Ishvara.” This would mean that Jesus would be son of Ishvara. But Ishvara does not have such a son, and in order to preserve the integrity of the Indic narrative about Ishvara, we would have to say that Jesus is an Avatara of Ishvara. However, this is unacceptable to the Church, as it would mean the relativization of Jesus as one of many Avataras, and hence, would remove the need for a Hindu to convert to Christianity. Hindus would simply be able to say, “No, thank you. We already have Jesus as an Avatar in our current system.”

Furthermore, where would Mary, as Jesus’ mother, and the Virgin Birth be accommodated in the Indic narratives about Ishvara? Also, God has an enemy (i.e. the Devil), requiring the mobilization of humanity against him. Where would God’s “other” be accommodated in the Indic system? While God has an enemy on whom all evil gets blamed, Ishvara includes both good and evil internally, and hence, there is nobody external comparable to the Devil.

When Christians talk about these “equalities,” they assume that their Christian myth is sustained intact with the Indic narratives being distorted to fit into the Christian frame of reference. But this would do great violence to the worldview and integrity of Indic Traditions, reducing them to an Indianized Christianity.

My point is not that a merger of Hindu and Christian worldviews and myths is impossible[11]. In fact, I find such possibilities very interesting and promising to pursue. However, I emphasize that this cannot be a simplistic equation in the name of political correctness, as is often the case. It has major ramifications to the relative positioning of the faiths involved. This would have to be a large project, with scholars from both sides working as peers – a friendly merger negotiation, and not a hostile takeover.

Similarly, devas are not gods, and devis are not goddesses. Also, Agni deva is not fire, but is symbolized by it. Murtis are not idols.

Shiva is not destroyer, but more like transformer, moving beings upwards in the evolution of consciousness. This is why Shiva is conceptualized as the lord of dance, yoga, enlightenment, and mysticism. This upward evolution entails “dissolution” of the falsely constructed mental frame of reference (maya), and this dissolution is quite different from everyday “destruction.” Shiva’s transformation is a set of deconstruction processes similar to, but going further than, postmodern deconstructions.

Atman is not soul, because of reincarnation and because of atman’s identity with Brahman (whereas soul does not reincarnate, and “soul = God” is blasphemy in most Abrahamic religions’ interpretations). Moksha and nirvana are not Salvation, because the latter is an escape from Eternal Damnation into Heaven, concepts that are very Abrahamic.

Shakti is not energy, as energy is but one form of shakti. Akash is not the same as space or sky. Rasa is another term with no Western equivalent, and hence untranslatable except via a thick description[12].

Lingam is not the same as phallus, and has a complex spectrum of meanings. Tantra is not sex.

Prana is not breath. There are many levels of prana, including in the unmanifest levels. Physical breath is a correlate of prana, and hence a way to influence and regulate prana.

There is no Sanskrit word “Aryan” – a noun referring to a race or ethnicity. The Sanskrit word is “arya,” which is an adjective referring to a quality of nobility. What are popularly known as Buddhism’s Four Noble Truths are, in the Sanskrit version, called the four arya truths. But this term does not refer to any race, as was misinterpreted by 19th century German Indologists in order to construct an ancient “Aryan” heritage for themselves. Surely there is no race called “tennis champion” or “good singer” – but if Wimbledon were to become controlled by an ethnic group (to stretch the imagination), then in the 30th century they mightdefine themselves as the Tennischamps race.…you have a picture of what happened in 19th century German Indology.

Kshatriya and brahmin are job descriptions, representing duties that roughly correspond to leadership in matters of state and religion, respectively – and hence serve as a built-in balance between socio-political affairs and spiritual quest. The British mistranslations of Sanskrit texts over-emphasized the other worldly aspects, to glorify the world negation amongst the Hindus, and to make it easy for Hindus to accept British rule. Therefore, Orientalist constructions did not focus on the kshatriya dharma, as that is very world engaging and affirming. The British construction of “Brahminism” was to position themselves as masters in charge of India’s progress.

“Brahminism” is a pejorative name for Hinduism, similar to using “Pope-ism” or “Bishopism” to refer to Christianity. It implies that Hinduism is simply a belief made up by brahmins, with no legitimacy of its own.

Brahman as the ultimate reality is often confused with a different but similarly sounding word, brahmin, which is a job description for a spiritual leader.

Varna is not caste, and in fact, the European term “caste” and its modern Indian manifestation are not the same as the varna system.

People fail to differentiate between srutis (which are eternal truths), and smritis (which are manmade constructions, such as the Manusmriti that is often used to prosecute Hinduism). Smritis are, therefore, entirely amendable. Srutis are not frozen canons either, as there is no unique or final revelation, in contrast with the Abrahamic revelations – Sri Aurobindo claimed to bring us new srutis in recent times, and so have many others. Therefore, neither category of Indic scripture is frozen, contrary to common misperception.

Karma is not fatalism. On the contrary, it is the only metaphysical system that gives an explanation of each individual’s unique predicaments at birth based entirely on the individual’s own free choices previously made. It extols free will and individual responsibility.

Hinduism is not Hindutva, because the latter is a modern political construction. Likewise, Indic Traditions are a superset of Hinduism.

Itihasa is neither history nor myth in the Western sense. As explained by Ranajit Guha, Puranetihasa is its own unique genre of text with no western equivalent[13].

This reduction of Indic concepts is consistent with Western tendencies to homogenize: Christianity asserts one path, one church, one book, and one conception of the divine. Marxism struggles to bring about a homogenous society as its Utopia. White Feminists impose their idea of womanhood upon all other women[14]. Multinationals, in the long run, collapse commerce into fewer brands and choices. Indic culture, on the other hand, did not view life as a zero-sum game.

Besides individual words that are mistranslated, entire Eurocentric models of thinking are superimposed in the study of Indic culture, without critical inquiry as to whether they are applicable. For example:

  • Monotheism Vs. polytheism as lens: Monotheism and polytheism are assumed to be mutually exclusive and exhaustive categories, through which all religions are made to pass. Furthermore, monotheism is falsely assumed to have started in Judaism, when, in fact, Upanishads, much earlier than Judaism, already included monotheism along with other ways to conceptualize the nature of ultimate reality. Also, Abrahamic religions have strains of polytheism as well, but this is downplayed.
  • Only one religion allowed per person: A census of religious beliefs in Japan showed that over 70% of the population believed in more than one religion at the same time. However, given the exclusivist nature of the three Abrahamic religions, it is simply assumed by them that a person may have only one religion at a given time. This exclusivism mentality with rigid boundaries was imposed via the British censuses of India, and has remained a standard in classifying Indians’ spiritual beliefs. However, Indic Traditions have a history of internal pluralism, similar to the Japanese experience mentioned, and it is only recently that external threats have created “boundaries” around India’s religions. For nearly two thousand years, for instance, Christians lived in the pluralist milieu in India, because at that time, there was no hegemony or expansionism from Church headquarters in the West to control spiritual thought in India. This point illustrates that strictly speaking, dharma is not religion.
  • Linear theories of history: The arbitrary theory that all human history has to fit the sequence: archaic à magical à mythical à rational à …., is one of the pillars of mainstream Eurocentrism[15]. Events in Europe were seen to fit into this linear “progress.” Hence, this pattern got universalized into a “law of history,” and imposed upon all humanity. Eurocentric accounts of world history are forced to fit into this grid, by hook or by crook, and whatever does not fit is simply omitted or excused away. One could equally and legitimately claim that this theory is the result of backward projection by expansionist and conquering people, who went about appropriating the physical, intellectual and spiritual assets of others. The view from the colonized peoples would not regard conquest as progress or as a measure of superiority.
  • “West = progressive/superior,” and “non-West = backward/inferior”: In the secular fields such as anthropology, sociology, women’s studies, etc. this view is sustained by carefully selecting the issues to be studied, and by filtering the evidence (a.k.a. fudging the facts), resulting in misrepresenting India’s social problems as being entirely indigenous and as the very essence of Indic Traditions.
  • Erasure of the positive aspects, while appropriating them at the same time: It is almost sacrilegious in academe to include classical India’s positive contributions to world science, technology, agriculture, medicine, linguistics, mathematics, city building, social theory; to many aspects of Christianity[16], the Industrial Revolution of Europe, modern psychology, new-age movements, eco-feminism, and so forth. For, acknowledging these would collapse the Eurocentric theories of the “miracle of European Modernity.”

This hegemony is sustained by asserting power over academics. For instance, the overwhelming majority of academic scholars of Hinduism are Judeo-Christians, whereas in the case of all other major world religions (Judaism, Christianity, Islam, and Buddhism) the majority of the scholars are from within the given religion. No civilization can afford to give a facilities management contract to someone else to manage its knowledge representation systems.

Meanwhile, the Hindutva movement, while claiming to lead the revival of Hinduism, has been obsessed with the politics of building one particular temple, while abandoning all the intellectual temples to neocolonial forces. Its scholars tend to be mainly from the Hindu orthodox scholastic traditions, with little capability to engage this global age. Its few “modern” scholars have been too narrow, and interested mainly in refuting the “Aryan” theories. Consequently, the Hindutva’s overall perspective is very limited and intellectually shallow. It misfired in its attempt to bring Indian Classics into higher education, because of its silly choice of astrology as door opener. Blaming Muslims and Christians for all sorts of problems has often diverted from pressing internal issues facing Hinduism. A complete deconstruction of the ineptness of the “Hindu response” is going to be the subject of a separate essay.

PART 2: The Brown (Mem)sahibs[17]

This part illustrates that many Indian anti-colonial thinkers are themselves neocolonialists, for it is they who are propagating a Eurocentric representation system of knowledge and discourse. In particular, I discuss five categories of contemporary brown (mem)sahibs: (1) historians; (2) writers of English Literature; (3) South Asianized Indian American professors and journalists; (4) NGOs[18]; and (5) India’s post-independence rulers.

Eurocentrism and Indian History:

My first category of neocolonial brown (mem)sahibs is Romila Thapar and her dozens of former history students, who often guard the India and/or Hindu bashing fortresses at many American university departments, but who lack an education in Sanskrit and Indian Classics. They compensate for this deficiency with an overdose of Marxist and/or Eurocentric historiographies, often camouflaged as Subaltern studies. Ronald Inden explains how postcolonial Indian scholars have fallen into this trap:

“With the rise of identity politics, ‘postcolonial’ historians have shifted away from imagining class and national unities in India’s past and have started pointing to diversities, but many of these studies have a tendency to recuperate the older colonialist imaginings of India. Representations of the systematic mistreatment of women (patriarchy), the exploitation of the young (child labour), domination by a parasitic Brahman caste of Aryan descent, discrimination by castes (untouchability), and the triumphalism of an atavistic Hinduism reiterate the earlier images of India as an inherently and uniquely divided and oppressive place[19].”

These scholars hate being characterized as Eurocentrics, because that would run counter to their status as anti-colonialists and pro-Subaltern. Yet, they denigrate the sacred traditions of the very subaltern people for whom they claim to speak.

Inden explains the colonial origins of the presuppositions of India that are now commonly accepted by Indian scholars. His very important book, from which the following passages are excerpted, should be required reading for every student of India, in order to understand the origins of today’s neocolonialism:

“I wish to make possible studies of ‘ancient’ India that would restore the agency that those [Eurocentric] histories have stripped from its people and institutions. Scholars did this by imagining an India kept eternally ancient by various Essences attributed to it, most notably that of caste[20].”

“I will argue that Euro-American Selves and Indian Others have not simply interacted as entities that remain fundamentally the same. They have dialectically constituted one another. Once one realizes the truth of this, he or she will begin to see that India has played a part in the making of nineteenth and twentieth century Europe (and America) much greater than the ‘we’ of scholarship, journalism, and officialdom would normally wish to allow. The subcontinent was not simply a source of colonial riches or a stage-setting in which Western hunters could stalk tigers, the sons of British merchants and aristocrats could make a financial killing, or the spiritualist find his or her innermost soul (or its Buddhist absence). More than that, India was (and to some extent still is) the object of thoughts and acts with which this ‘we’ has constituted itself. European discourses appear to separate their Self from the Indian Other – the essence of Western thought is practical reason, that of India a dreamy imagination, or the essence of Western society is the free (but selfish) individual, that of India an imprisoning (but all-providing) caste system. But is this really so? To be sure, these discourses create a strange, lop-sided complementarity between the Western Self and its Indian Other. Yet the consequence of this process has been to redefine ourselves. We have externalized exaggerated parts of ourselves so that the equally exaggerated parts we retain can act out the triumph of the one over the other in the Indian subcontinent. We will be unhampered by an otherworldly imagination and unhindered by a traditional, rural social structure because we have magically translated them to India[21].”

“The effect of these wild fabrications of the nineteenth-century European imagination was to give pre-eminence to caste, the type of society epitomizing at once both constraint and excess, as opposed to the freedom and moderation of Western civil society, and to the lone renouncer rather than the individual-in-society. The result was not, as scholars often claimed, to depict India ‘as it was’. Indologists’ desires to elevate their West by denigrating this Indian Other were not, however, fulfilled simply by turning it into the land of Hindu castes and fakirs. Theirs was an imperial project that entailed the wholesale intellectual deconstitution of Indian economic and political institutions,….[22]

“My main argument, then, is that the agency of Indians, the capacity of Indians to make their world, has been displaced in those knowledges on to other agents. The makers of these knowledges have, in the first instance, displaced the agency of the Indians on to one or more ‘essences’, and in the second instance on to themselves. The essences that they have imagined have been caste, the Indian mind, divine kingship, and the like. Although several generations of scholars have characterized and valued these essences in a variety of ways, they have for the most part considered them as somehow inferior, at least in the sense of explaining why India ‘lost out’ to the West. Since the civilization of India has been governed, they assume, by these dubious essences from the moment of its origin, that civilization’s place in the world has been, so to speak, predetermined from the beginning. Lacking the essences taken to be characteristic of the West – the individual, political freedom, and science – Indians did not even have the capacity on their own to know these essences. They did not, so one would have to conclude, have the capacity to act in the world with rationality. The European scholars and their doubles, the colonial administrators and traders, assumed for themselves the power to know these hidden essences of the Other and to act upon them. They would act both for themselves and for the Indians. Lest we think these practices affected only India, we should consider that the West’s image of itself as the epitome of the modern has depended, for two hundred years, on these changing portrayals of India as the embodiment of the ancient[23].”

While Black American scholars and Native American scholars have made considerable progress in rewriting the portrayal of their people for American textbooks[24], Indian historians remain too invested in Marxist and Subalternist grand narratives of “Hindu oppression.” In this narrative, the Evil Brahmin plays the role of the elite bourgeoisie, and the Dalits and women are mobilized to play as the Oppressed Proletariat. Indian postcolonial thought has dislocated itself from Indian Classics. Therefore, even when criticizing Western hegemony, they are stuck with the use of Western theories.

Since the colonialists plays the Bad Guy, these scholars locate pre-colonial “real India” in Mughal India. The 10th to 15th century period of pre-Mughal Islamic plunder is quickly glossed over. Anything prior to 10th century Islam is superficially treated, except for what is assumed to have been brought into India by other generous foreigners – the so-called Aryans, the Greeks, and many others. The self-serving meta-theory in which these historians are invested, simply forbids the possibility of positive indigenous developments[25].

Furthermore, for political correctness, and to keep their “secular” ratings high, the well-documented genocides of Hindus are suppressed. This is in sharp contrast with the way Black slavery, Jewish holocaust and Native American genocide are mainstream topics and emphasized in American school textbooks[26].

Instead of being suppressed as politically incorrect, a dispassionate treatment of past atrocities would enable today’s Indians of all religions to distance themselves from historical genocides, and to forge a common identity as Indians. After all, it was the invading Muslims who plundered the native Indians, and the Indian Muslims today are mainly descendents of the natives and not of the invaders. For Indian Muslims, it would be far better to get rooted in Indian civilization, which is eclectic and flexible enough to include Islamic thought very hospitably, rather than identifying themselves as part of a pan-Persian and/or pan-Arab diaspora. (In a recent discussion with an Iranian scholar, I learnt that one of the key reasons why Iran is Shiite Muslim rather than Sunni Muslim is that Iranians refuse to Arabize their culture and identity. Recently, many Iranian Islamic scholars have renewed their interest in Zoroastrianism and pre-Islamic Iranian civilizations, which have a family resemblance with Vedic civilization. While the Arabs erased pre-Islamic knowledge systems as best as they could, the Iranians have tried to preserve their pre-Islamic language and culture, and have incorporated it into their reinterpretations of Islam. Indian Muslims could revive a similar trend, started by Akbar and Dara Shikoh, to fuse Islam with Indian Classics[27].)

While the focus by many scholars has been on the negative stereotypes of Indic Traditions, they have failed to adequately treat their many positive contributions, especially those that have been appropriated by the West[28].

Another serious gap in Indian historiography is the lack of a thorough history of Hinduism. This work would show that Hinduism was developed and constructed over a considerable period of time, and has not been frozen (as some “essences”) in a lofty past. The importance of this to present day Hinduism would be to challenge many Hindus today who locate its perfection in some past era. This backward revival, as opposed to forward construction, is the result of not appreciating that Hinduism has had a long history of change, progress, and development in response to circumstances. A philosophy that has historically progressed can also have future progression, whereas one that has remained fixed is locked in orthodoxy.

Since religion, especially Hinduism, has been explained away as an obsolete need, not only do many historians fail to respect it and to understand its basic tenets, but they rely on socio-political theories according to which modernization would put an end to this scourge of humanity. Therefore, most scholars have failed to interpret the recent events in India and elsewhere in the world concerning the enormous popularity of religions.

For instance, it is commonly said by them that: (a) the BJP came to power; (b) this led to the TV Ramayana serial; (c) which, in turn, led to the uprising of popular Hindu sentiments; and (d) this culminated in the Ram Temple controversy at Ayodhya.

However, this chronology is false, made up to fit the theories. The TV Ramayana actually occurred beforethe BJP came to power. This TV serial’s massive success was caused not by the BJP but by the sentiments of Hindus, who had been suppressed for decades by a false notion of secularism. This revival of Hinduism at the grass roots is what led to the rise of the BJP.

For its part, the BJP took political advantage of the opportunity created by this oppression of popular religion. (They frittered it away on misguided causes, in my opinion, but that is another story.) The BJP’s rise to power was not the cause of the revival of Hindu sentiments, but the result of it. I witnessed similar religious revivals in Eastern Europe and ex-USSR, after the collapse of communism.

Ranajit Guha’s recent call to take the Indian Puranas seriously as a way to excavate an indigenous sense of history, is courageous and loud, and especially important since it comes from the very founder of the Subaltern Movement[29]. Guha is a living legend amongst “secular progressives,” the description under which the former Marxist thinkers of India now operate. He writes (and also says in his talks) that India’s itihas needs to be taken very seriously to excavate its sense of indigenous history.

Guha explains how itihas is a unique genre of literature, that cannot be called either Western style “history” or “myth.” Rather than being a history of mainly kings and armies, it is a repository of culture at the grass roots. Nor is itihas a fixed set of archetypal myths, because the audience participates in its unfolding in the present context, interpreting and adapting it over time. One hopes, given the bandwagon effect so important amongst Indian historians, that Guha’s U-Turn will also encourage a rethinking by other Indian historians.

Historiography and Nation (Un)building:

History writing has been used both to build nations and to dismantle them.

China’s government has championed and funded major programs worldwide to promote a history of China that is constructed as being self-contained and insular, with minimum outside influences discussed. This account starts with Confucianism and Taoism as original pillars of Chinese thought[30]. Even contemporary communist ideology is depicted as a continuation of Confucianism and not entirely as a recent foreign transplant into China.

Modern Germany and Japan are also prominent examples of nation building based on constructing an integrated account of their own civilization, history and identity. The European Union is a major new project in the same direction. All these are examples of backward projection by a contemporary sense of positive cohesiveness.

History has never been an objective reporting of a set of empirical facts. It’s a present day (re)conception and filtering of data pertaining to the past, to build a narrative that is consistent with the myths of the dominant culture.

The Saudis invest petrodollars heavily to promote a grand positive narrative of the Arab people and their central place in the destiny of humanity. In fact, the export of Wahhabi Islam is largely a cultural export of Arabism, using religion as a means.

Scholarship is also used in the opposite manner. Imagine a hypothetical scenario, just by way of analogy, in which the USA is colonized by an alien civilization for several centuries. After successfully draining out the massive material and intellectual property, the colonizers finally leave, but a neocolonialism is installed as their control device. Having become immensely wealthier than their former colony, these aliens control the study of Americanology, with a focus on deconstructing the nation’s sense of unity. They sponsor chairs, museums and textbook portrayals that separate out various parts of American culture into conflicting entities: Blacks are encouraged to fight Americanism in the same manner as Dalits in India are being encouraged; women are encouraged to follow the footsteps of their alien women; Mormonism is encouraged as anti-Christian; American Muslims (who by them comprise a significant portion of the US population) are not treated as being Americans; and so forth.

This analogy is relevant because the Metropolitan Museum of Art in New York has removed Indian art of the Mughal period and placed it in a separate section called, “Islamic Art[31].” Museums in many American cities have separated out Sikhism from the rest of India into its own section for display, and have many cultural programs focusing on it. It is quite fashionable in Asian Studies, Women’s Studies, and especially in South Asian Studies, to have separate “Dalitism” scholarship. All this has become wrapped around serious works on India as being mainly about caste, with all other items of civilization being brought in from elsewhere.

The reality of India is that it is both these: an integration of indigenous and assimilations from elsewhere. This process continues till today. It is the same as with any other civilization. The problem is that in the case of India the imported aspects are exaggerated and the indigenous aspects are largely erased.

While each rich and powerful civilization emphasizes its indigenous cohesiveness and continuity, and with scholarship under control of those loyal to it, the reverse is the trend among the economically weak civilizations such as India. In the case of Indian civilization, the scholars’ emphasis has been on how there might not even be such a historical entity as India or Hinduism, and how its civilization was entirely brought by foreigners into India.

This intellectual breakup of Indic Traditions into historical layers of cultural imports, each with a nexus in some other part of the world, is the intellectual equivalent of the political breakup of India. That so many Indian have sold out to this project is certainly noteworthy, and is a major untold story of our times. In the long run, it is tempting for the West to assimilate this last remaining non-Western knowledge system, and breaking it into digestible modules facilitates this. However, the havoc that such a potential breakup would unleash would also be of catastrophic global proportions[32]. Furthermore, the future positive harvests that this civilization is capable of giving to the world would end.

By falsely portraying Indic traditions as anti-modern, the West and its Indian sepoys[33] have forced many Indians into the false dichotomy of tradition vs. progress. While the historical, revelation-based Abrahamic religions demand belief in a canonized dogma (placing religion and science in direct conflict), no such dichotomy between Indian dharmas and science occurred. This is because Indic Traditions accept an endless series of discoveries, and not just one unique event, and because the classical Indian role models are very often those of skeptics, free-spirited thinkers, and intense debaters arguing against established ideologies. Given its methodologies of discovering new knowledge, known as pramanas, dharma is progressive, and requires change and reformation as part of its on going process. It has become artificially frozen only in recent centuries, and this needs to be unfrozen so that the indigenous engine of progress and renaissance may resume.

For removal of doubt, I am against homogenized religion or homogenized ideas of nation, because that would run counter to the spirit and reality of dharma. Furthermore, I am against any marginalization of minorities, including Dalits, Indian Muslims and Christians. My contention is that just as Greek thought was appropriated to construct diverse and progressive thinking in Europe, and thereby bring about the Renaissance of Europe, it seems to be a promising project to use Indian Classics as the foundation for a universally applicable Indic worldview and renaissance.

The issues discussed in this essay have caused inner conflicts and schisms in Thapar’s Children, that are often written on their faces. This is why their preprogrammed defense mechanisms instinctively flare up – shouting “fundamentalist,” “nationalist,” and so forth – when they are merely questioned on the legitimacy of their qualifications as scholars of India. Inadvertently, and often with good intentions, they continue to feed what might be called Gentooism Studies[34].

The influence of Thapar’s Children in the Western world is considerable. Almost every year, they fly their icon around the world for speaking tours at prestigious campuses, where her cult-like former students are well fed gatekeepers. They make sure that no opposing voice is included on the panels – hardly an academically sound approach. At one of her talks last year, someone from the audience had the courage to ask her whether she knew Sanskrit and whether she had read the original texts, or whether she relied mainly on European sources for her scholarship. Very angry at this “rudeness,” she dismissed the question by saying that she “only answers questions from academically qualified persons.” Clearly, since she did not know the woman in the audience, Thapar had no way of assuming that this person was not an academician, except for the fact that only an outsider to the cult and its sphere of control would dare ask such a question.

The American academe considers her and her former students as the authorities on India. Any challenge to this hegemony of the brown (mem)sahibs is met with fierce personal attacks.

‘Brown Shame’ in English Literature:

Arundhati Roy, Rohinton Mistry (of Oprah fame), Bharati Mukerji, and others of this new genre of English language Indian writers, are my second category of neocolonial brown (mem)sahibs.

They rake in their money and awards spinning a reinforcement of the caste, cows and curry meta-narratives of India. This is to be contrasted with recent Bollywood blockbusters, such as Lagaan, that have depicted the cross-cultural relationship from the Indian perspective, and hence, catered to popular Indian audiences. These writers, on the other hand, are not read by India’s masses, whom they pretend to represent. It is the Western reader, seeking to fortify his/her Eurocentric myth of superiority, who endorses such work. These authors serve as brown-skinned suppliers for the kind of Orientalism previously done by whites such as Kipling. Their work is widely prescribed in American colleges, as insightful approaches into the complexity of exotic India, in a friendly fictionalized manner. It is taken more seriously than it deserves to be, because the publishers are falsely marketing these authors as the real voices of India.

The triumphant myth of the West expands, and these authors get amply rewarded for their contribution to the progressive march of Western civilization. In effect, these are the intellectual equivalents of the sepoys who policed the British Empire with great loyalty and pride, and, in exchange, got rewarded by being upgraded to a tier above the rest of the Indians whom they helped to subjugate.

Noy Thrupkaew, an American feminist reviewer, takes Indian women authors to task for supplying the stereotype of the “hard-bitten, angst-ridden Asian-American protagonists who had ostentatious sex by page 30.” She continues: “But if Asian women weren’t screwing, the publishing world wanted them suffering (and maybe bravely triumphing after they got themselves to the United States). The Asian historical memoirs were based on a simple formula: Asia was hell; the United States is a hell of a lot better. ….the Asian-hell-to-Western-heaven motif leaves a U.S. reader in a nicely complacent spot: reclining in a La-Z-Boy and thinking, ‘Well, thank god for America![35]‘”

This has become a bandwagon on which many Indian women authors want to hitch a ride to instant success. What used to be the White Woman’s Burden has, in many instances, been taken over as the Brown Woman’s Burden. But Thrupkaew is suspicious:

“Is this author exoticizing her ethnicity? Is she just feeding the public more stereotypes of lotus-blossom ladies and guacamole-hipped mamas? If she’s inaccurate or exceptionally critical or dewy-eyed in depicting the culture of her forebears, is it done in a way that suits the general public’s fixed ideas? If the answer to any of these questions is ‘yes,’ then there’s a problem.”

While a few manage to climb to the top, the ultimate fate of most of these authors is to remain below the glass ceiling, while their white sisters smile from above. Thrupkaew points to the faddish nature of the American reader, as she writes: “At its worst, South Asian and South Asian-American writing is just like tasty Indian food – to be chewed, digested, and excreted without a lot of thought.” Yet this craving for legitimacy and honorary white status is too attractive and irresistible for many. (“Western” is often a politically correct equivalent of what was previously called “white.”)

Richard Crasta, a Christian from Mangalore, India, explains how the neocolonial process is working here:“In its choice of the Eastern writers it will patronize – or not patronize – Western publishing is only following the traditional strategy of conquerors towards a conquered race: unsex the men, ‘liberate’ the women, reward and honor the eunuchs or race-traitors, thus letting them keep their untamed brothers in check. If the conquered women and men don’t get along as a result, so much the better….[36]

Many Indians have learnt to play the game, explains Crasta: “[M]ilking the West has become a major Third World industry, art, or con game – one that we must master merely to survive. We are practiced milkers, and we’ll do almost anything, say almost anything, act any degrading role that’s called for – all for a drop of the gleaming, life-giving, white stuff.[37]

But Crasta warns his fellow Indian writers of the dangers of trying to cross the glass ceiling: “This Western carrot of acceptance and riches is accompanied by a stick: Do not cross the boundaries. Always remember your place.…[T]he carrot and stick are so discreetly transferred by Third World writers onto their internal censor that they are often unconscious of their own self-censorship.[38]

The harm this is causing is very serious, says Crasta:

“Ethnic shame is the opposite of ethnic pride … and it is a sublime example of the success of colonialism in co-opting us in our own subversion, and in our alienation from our culture and our earth, and ultimately the extinction of our own culture…. Educated Indians feel that they must apologize for every Indian who spits or shits by the roadside, for India’s official corruption, for the poor quality of Indian manufactured goods, for our repeated defeats by foreign conquerors, for our dirt and disease and poverty, now and forever. Faced with such a burden, it is no wonder that some Indians succumb to the temptation of simply denying their Indian origins….Why is ethnic shame such a serious matter, and not just some personal oddity? Because it contributes to our collusion with the forces that tend to make us invisible in a foreign society…. But there are other, more serious reasons for our shame, no doubt: the Western media’s and the American people’s association of India with highly negative images…. The India Haters Club is growing larger and larger, and its largest contingent is probably the millions of Indians for whom a few bitter experiences of betrayal have pushed them over the edge into self-hatred: Yes, my skin is brown, but my soul is white.[39]

Most eminent Indian postcolonial and literary theorists, such as Homi Bhabha, Gaytri Spivak and Dipesh Chakrabarty, lack formal education in Indian Classics to help their work, even though considerable classical Indian thought anticipated postmodernism and takes those notions even deeper. Gerald Larson correctly assesses:

“The problem with subaltern theorizing is that it is intellectually derivative from post-modernist and post-structuralist western ‘critical theory’ and thereby runs the risk of being little more than a kind of Neo-Orientalist theorizing.[40]

This growing genre of uniquely Indian Eurocentrism is simultaneously stupid and gifted, living paradoxically on an ivory tower. These young English language writers are of a new breed, often with revulsion to anything even remotely connected with Hinduism. As typical Macaulayites, they see nothing in Hinduism except for inequality between castes and burning of women. The paradox is that they are also sharp and acute critics of the dominance of the whites, colonialism, neocolonialism, corporate greed of America, etc. In other words, they have memorized well the rhetoric of Marxism, nowadays reinvented as “the leftist progressive circle.” But they are dislocated individuals from their souls and, like all loose canons, present dangerous implications.

While masters at deconstructing everything pertaining to British colonialism, what can these scholars replace it with? Answer: nothing that is prior to the Muslim invasion of India. Since the British period was cruel, and pre-Mughal India is dismissed as primitive (except for Buddhism which got intellectually moved from India over to East Asian Studies), what is seen as positive Indian culture is Mughal centric! In these minds, India’s worthwhile culture starts only when the Muslims colonized it.

The reason is simple: they lack knowledge of Indian Classics, and find it very embarrassing when this is pointed out to their white cohorts, because American liberal education includes a solid foundation in the Western Classics. Imagine telling an American liberal arts college to get rid of the Greek Classics, because the Greeks were primitive, pagan, and slave-owners.

This is the lie that these scholars live behind: the pretence that they are authentic ambassadors and representatives of Indian culture, when, in fact, they represent the West’s successful mental colonization of India. Hence, their neurosis and anger, when this contradiction gets exposed.

Their fierce public fight against the dominant culture is a reaction to their shadow side that is unable tobecome the dominant culture. Hypothetically, if there were a FDA[41] approved gene therapy to change phenotypes into “white,” it is precisely this lot who would make a beeline for this ethnicity-changing procedure.

The frustration from being denied white status often gets an outlet via postcolonial studies. This is the syndrome that Richard Crasta has called “impressing the whites.” It is what Enrique Dussel, Frantz Fanon, Edward Said, and many others explain as the process by which the dominant culture appropriates a tier of intellectuals from the colonized culture, to serve as proxies in intellectually ruling over the masses. In exchange for this loyalty to the dominant culture, these Uncle Toms receive a considerably enhanced position, various rewards, and a sort of neo-white status.

It is to be remembered that 99% of all bullets fired and all police atrocities committed during the British Empire were done by Indian Sepoys under British command. Interestingly, the Chinese did not make good sepoys, because they refused to sell out. The Blacks had to be physically chained to enslave them. But Indians volunteered with great pride.

Today, the Indian Sepoy archetype, found in the Western academe and journalism, often does the dirty intellectual work. Their role on behalf of the dominant culture is to supply the myth of the “other” in a way that fits into the dominant culture’s grand narrative of itself. Rather than glorifying their success, the sooner their readers start to publicly call their lie, the better.

(As an interesting side remark, Lalit Mansingh, India’s Ambassador to USA, gave his speech at a major Hindu event in English. He can only give speeches in English[42].)

The “South Asian” Syndrome:

SAJA (South Asian Journalists Association) has influenced the movement to “South Asianize” young Indian Americans when they leave home and enter American colleges. SAJA runs on a clever marketing scheme: journalists from prestigious American media firms are brought on to the advisory board to give SAJA legitimacy, in exchange for enhancing their personal resumes as being “India experts.” Annual SAJA Awards, sponsored by corporations seeking to impress the Indian diaspora, are given to create role models of young journalists, who have often accomplished little other than championing the ideals of SAJA – Somini Sengupta is one recent example. This mechanism feeds itself. The SAJA internet discussion lists are carefully censored to filter out opposing views, even disallowing responses to direct personal attacks.

Many Indian journalist (mem)sahibs also serve as chowkidars (gatekeepers) for the West, as Crasta explains:

“Indeed, many of these immigrants are so terrified of voices that may offend the Masters that they will themselves act as filtering devices, as local policemen or toughs. Organizations like the Asia Society, South Asian Journalists Association (SAJA), and many ethnic newspapers regularly act as cheerleaders for those Indians who have impressed the whites, and as bouncers to keep their scruffy and impolite brethren from disrupting the harmony: on one occasion even trying to drop a ‘trouble-making’ Indian author from the program at the Asia Society[43].”

SAJA is but a small node of a vast South Asian movement on American campuses. The South Asian movement carefully hides the fact that this term was invented by Henry Kissinger as part of the Cold War foreign policy to contain the non-NATO world. The South Asian Studies departments across the US have been funded ever since by “Title VI Grants” from the US State Department, intended to promulgate and promote a theory of that “area” in order to support US foreign policy. Edward Said analyzed this and wrote that besides the military, the Western powers also have “armies of scholars at work politically, militarily, ideologically.”

The following quote from a governmental report describes why the US Department of Defense invests in the social sciences to understand and reengineer the “others”: “The Armed Forces are no longer engaged solely in warfare…. For many countries throughout the world, we need more knowledge about their beliefs, values, and motivations; their political, religious, and economic organizations; and the impact of various changes or innovations upon their socio-cultural patterns. …”[44]

The same report recommends specific kinds of social research and reengineering, and one can find in this list many projects that are being carried out in the US academe and via NGOs in India. Never has the Indian media done an investigative report on why the US Defense Department is to be served by Indian scholars in this manner:

“The following items are elements that merit consideration as factors in research strategy for military agencies. Priority Research Undertakings: (1) methods, theories and training in the social and behavioral sciences in foreign countries. …(2) programs that train foreign social scientists. …(3) social science research to be conducted by independent indigenous scientists. … (4) social science tasks to be conducted by major U.S. graduate studies in centers in foreign areas. …(7) studies based in the U.S. that exploit data collected by overseas investigators supported by non-defense agencies. The development of data, resources and analytical methods should be pressed so that data collected for special purposes can be utilized for many additional purposes. … (8) collaborate with other programs in the U.S. and abroad that will provide continuing access of Department of Defense personnel to academic and intellectual resources of the ‘free world.’”

Over 90% of the students who get sucked into the South Asian movement on US campuses are Indians. On the other hand, most Pakistanis are unabashed about their identity, and join Islamic organizations. Even in the UK, where the Indian community is far older than in the US, there is no South Asian movement on campuses. Finally, nobody in India identifies himself/herself as being “South Asian.”

An American academic scholar, who publicly identifies himself as a Hindu, complains about many of his cohorts in South Asian Studies:

“It is very sad that those who once supported free thinking and spirituality now support political correctness and Marxism. I find that the South Asianists on this campus, both westerners as well as the Indians (who are almost exclusively from high caste, urban elite families) and Pakistanis (also ALL from wealthy families) have, for the most part, a real hatred of Hinduism specifically, and religion in general. Because I am not ANTI-Hindu, which ‘good’ scholars here are supposed to be these days, I was long ago labeled a fundamentalist and relegated to the fringe. Whenever there is a conference on South Asia, I am not invited. [But] it is okay because I have a tenured position[45].

Finally, Dinesh D’Souza, who recently wrote in praise of colonialism, as being a great gift to the colonized people[46], is a product of the South Asian movement.

NGOs as Foreign Proxies:

Susantha Goonatilake, a Sri Lankan scholar, has completed a comprehensive study of his country’s NGOs and plans to publish his findings in a major book soon. His conclusions stated to me may be paraphrased as follows. Sri Lanka has been destroyed largely by the foreign funded NGOs operating there. Local scholars do what the sponsors demand, and hence serve as foreign proxies. This is remote-controlled neocolonialism of sorts. Goonatilake says that the same phenomenon has also happened to a fair extent in Bangladesh. But India, he says, is simply too large and resilient to be taken over, and has managed to survive despite all such activities.

It is this kind of NGO mentality that sends speakers to International conferences and to foreign media, so as to sensationalize and “expose” the internal social problems of India. While many NGO staff members and scholars are immersed into the Hindu and India phobia movement, there are also a large number who are simply sucked into this out of sheer ignorance, or out of the temptation for foreign travel and various grants as rewards. Many NGOs are the fifth column of Stealth Eurocentrism.

While the agenda of neocolonialism is rarely visible in the grant agreements, everyone experienced in this cottage industry knows what reports are “correct” to produce, in order to keep the foreign funds flowing. Those who resist “selling out” are weeded out by the sponsors in a Darwinian game in which fitness is defined in terms of anti Indic Traditions.

This explains why so many internal social problems of India get internationalized with the help of Indians, even though the international forums have no capability or track record in actually resolving these issues. Where domestic mechanisms already exist to resolve these matters, they are simply bypassed and their existence is simply ignored. It is a pitiable sight to see these nouveau and neo Westerners sign up as enthusiastic carriers of exotic gobar (bullshit) on their stupid little heads, from one event to another. Many of the problems mentioned in this essay would not be possible without Indian NGOs aiding and abetting neocolonialism.

The “Sixth International Conference on Dowry, Bride-Burning and Son-Preference” to be held in 2003, is one such example. Its intellectual leadership comes from Western feminists[47]. The group’s first conference on the subject was held at Harvard University in 1995, where a “Six Point Program to Eradicate Dowry and Bride-Burning in India” was adopted. This Program was further revised at their subsequent conferences held at Harvard University and University of London. While the sponsors and scholars gained publicity for themselves, and continue to seek to “change mindset” on this issue, they admit that they have made no impact on the ground reality of this problem.

In sharp contrast with this are the many successful social reform movements from within the Indic Traditions. Madhu Kishwar describes in her talks how Western funded NGO feminists failed to make any dent in reforming rural property ownership biases against women, but that different movements run entirely using Indic principles and metaphors were very successful. The Swadhyaya movement is another great example of large scale reform, from within the culture, that is strengthening the indigenous knowledge systems rather than strengthening neocolonialism. There are also numerous successful examples of the practical use of traditional knowledge systems in areas such as water harvesting.

Colonial Style of Governance in India Today:

Hinduism and Christianity each comprise over 80% of the populations of India and USA, respectively. Therefore, it is appropriate to compare the status of each of these in its respective country, in relation to other minority religions. Following are some comparisons that are seldom mentioned by scholars and journalists who analyze India’s religions:

  • Continuing the British colonial practice, Hindu temples in India today are under the trusteeship of civil servants appointed by the Government of India, many of whom are not even Hindus[48]. Therefore, when I give a donation at Tirupati, one of the largest Hindu temples in India, the money goes to the control of civil servants of the government, who then decide how it gets spent. However, the places of worship of all minority religions, such as Islam and Christianity, are entirely run by the management appointed by their respective members, with no governmental interference. By way of comparison, American Christians would never accept comparable discrimination against them. It is unthinkable that Churches in USA could come under the control and supervision of Federally appointed trustees, especially if non Christian religions would be exempted from this, simply as a way to prove the leaders’ “secularism.”
  • There is only one civil law in USA for all its citizens, regardless of religion. There is no such thing as a separate Jewish Law, or Catholic Law, or Mormon Law, or Protestant Law, or Muslim Law, and so forth, to govern the public life of Americans. The very thought of this is reprehensible to Americans. Yet, there is a separate and distinct Muslim Personal Law in India. This has been used by past politicians to grant religious minorities specific provisions. For instance, Indian Muslims may have four wives under Indian law, even in this 21st century – and yet it is fashionable for many intellectuals to defend this minority pampering law, rather than condemning it on grounds of human rights.
  • Imagine if the American affirmative action programs consisted of a list of hundreds of minority groups – including each named Native American tribe, Blacks, Hispanics, Italians, Polish, Japanese, Chinese, Arabs, Indian Americans, Russians, etc. – with a percentage of college admissions, jobs, etc. as quotas reserved for each group. Imagine if these “groups” were categorized under British colonial rule, when the colonialists conducted censuses using sociological categories as per their biased understanding. Furthermore, imagine that these federally enforced social divisions were to become the basis for hundreds of political parties, each seeking votes from its ethnic group, and promising to lobby on its behalf to improve its “deal” with the State. Few Americans with whom I have discussed this are willing to believe that India’s affirmative action program is so ridiculous as this scenario suggests, and yet it is precisely this way. Rather than removing historical distinctions over a few generations, by making affirmative action on individual need and circumstances, this Indian “secular” approach has become the cause for divisiveness in India. Caste is the result of political structure, and, conversely, caste persists to fuel the political opportunities it has created.
  • “Faith Based Initiatives” is a recent US government program by the Bush administration, under which Federal grants are given to religious organizations in order to do social work. This has created a major stir, on two accounts: whether the government should be funding religious organizations at all; and to what extent it should fund minority religions. However, a very similar program has functioned in India very successfully ever since independence. Its characteristics are newsworthy[49]: (a) The majority of funds given under this program in India go to Christian and Muslim organizations, even though they comprise a minority. (b) This quantity given to minority religions has not declined, despite recent religious politics. (c) Nobody has complained about this state of affairs, as it is considered quite normal.
  • Tens of billions of dollars worth of land in India is owned by the Church, and in Mumbai, the Church is the second largest land owner, the largest being the Indian military. Most of this land was given under land grants by the British to the Church, and by subsequent Indian governments. Such generosity to a minority religion followed by only 2.5% of the Indian population has gone unreported. Given the foreign controlled nexus of the various Churches, this is tantamount to giving billions of dollars to subsidiaries of foreign entities that are engaged in social re-engineering of Indian society. The US government has never contemplated such generosity towards minority religions, especially those controlled from overseas.
  • Millions of India’s laborers and entrepreneurs who use Indian traditional knowledge systems are often deemed to be engaged in criminal activities by the government. Many British laws, enacted to de-industrialize India and to transfer manufacturing to Britain, persist today. Madhu Kishwar has started to raise awareness about this, by mediating and renegotiating the “ruler-ruled relations” in specific sectors of India’s economy. For instance, she has pointed out in an educational video, that metallurgical process pioneered in India centuries before the British learnt to make steel, and that had made India the world’s leading exporter of steel, remain criminalized today. Similarly, traditional civil engineering, once the basis for building India’s massive city complexes, is now outlawed in India. Government authorities constantly prosecute activities that are not compliant with Western norms, and treat India’s traditional style workers as common criminals.

Each of the above is a colonial legacy that the government has deepened even further. Indians have replaced British as the rulers of the masses, as colonizers of their own people.

Sitharam, a journalist in a major local vernacular publication in Bangalore, reflects on the ridiculous positions taken by many Indian “intellectuals” in the name of secularism and political correctness:

“It is a great tragedy in this country that words like Secularism, Sanatana Dharma, Social justice, uplifting of Dalits and so on, which are to be the considered greatest goals and ideals in any civil society,…. have become the playthings in the hands of petty politicians and anti-nationals who want to divide people to achieve self-gains even by throwing the society into unrest, and to warm themselves by lighting the pyres. The irony is that those mostly responsible for this state of affairs are the armchair intellectuals… Because of the irrational behavior of these intellectuals, it has now come to pass that anyone who wants to be recognized as secular, should be a professed leftist, and interpret society on a Minority-Majority basis or on Brahmin-Non Brahmin basis or Forward-Dalit basis. He, therefore, has to interpret, without using his critical faculties, any incident that occurs in the country so as to demonstrate that he is a leftist, an anti-Brahmin and a pro-Dalit. If not, he is at risk of being segregated and kept out of the coveted community of ‘Progressive intellectuals’. Now-a-days, to be considered as a member of the progressive intellectual community, it is not necessary as of yester years to be a scholar in Tarka, Vedanta or Mimamsa, or even geography, history or science,… It would suffice if he were committed to the above-mentioned policy…[50]

This armchair intellectualism is often an exercise in juxtaposing ill-defined or inapplicable words. One such word worth deconstructing is “fundamentalist.” I have tried to get a definition of fundamentalism from armchair intellectuals, on the condition that we must then apply it equally to all parties, to ascertain as to whether a given party is fundamentalist or not. I have provided the following background to help this exercise:

  1. If a literalist interpretation of ancient texts makes one a fundamentalist, as is the charge against those interpreting the Hindu Puranas in this manner, then the majority of American Christians and virtually all Muslims of the world, would have to declared as fundamentalists, because they do consider the Bible and Koran, respectively, in the literal sense.
  2. If fundamentalism means believing that one’s own faith is the only true one, to the exclusion of all others, then, by definition, faiths based on unique historical revelations – the three Abrahamic religions – would be fundamentalist.
  3. If “fundamentalism” is to mean an unwillingness to change, based on open-minded inquiry, then it is the same as “orthodoxy” (as contrasted with “liberalism”). In this case, most of the “Left” today is fundamentalist, because they are not liberal in the pursuit of new inquiry, and seem to thrive on repeating the liberal thoughts of icons of bygone eras.
  4. If imposing one’s faith upon society at large is being discussed, then I would consider a better term to be “religious nationalism.” Every Islamic State, which means virtually every Muslim majority nation in the world, would qualify.

I have yet to receive a definition. It seems the term “fundamentalist” is being used for anyone who challenges the syndicated ideology of the incumbent group. Having said this, surely, there are intolerant Hindus, literalist Hindus, chauvinist Hindus, and so forth, as there are for any other ideology. But they cannot all be lumped under one umbrella.

PART 3: The Glass Ceiling

My previous Sulekha column, titled, “The Asymmetric Dialog of Civilizations,” based on a talk presented at the American Academy of Religion (2001) gives an overview of the role of the dominant culture, from above the glass ceiling. in creating and sustaining neocolonialism[51]. Therefore, I shall not replicate that information here.

Inden is quoted in Part 2 above explaining that the West used the “other,” and especially India, to define and construct itself. This happened both at physical and intellectual planes. The intellectual appropriation continues to this day.

The U-Turn process is my model for describing this appropriation, by which the West has been intellectually constructing itself, and it consists of the following stages:

  1. Student/disciple: In this stage, the Westerner is very loyal to the Indic Traditions, and writes with the deepest respect. In many instances, India has helped the person to “find” himself/herself.
  2. Neutral/new age/perennial territory: In this stage, Indic appropriations are repackaged as “original” claims by the scholar, and/or assumed as generic thoughts found in all cultures. In many instances, this is done in order to expand the market for the books, tapes and seminars, by separating from the negative image of “caste, cows and curry” traditions.
  3. Hero’s return to the original tradition: The scholar brings the knowledge into Judaism or Christianity, so as enrich his/her own tradition, once the ego takes over and this identity asserts itself. Alternatively, the scholar repackages the material in secular vernacular, such as “Western psychology” or “phenomenology” or “scientific” framework. Now the sales mushroom, as the Western audiences rub their hands in glee, congratulating themselves for their culture’s sophistication.
  4. Denigrating the source: At this stage are those scholars who specialize in trashing the source Indic Traditions.
  5. Mobilizing the sepoys and becharis: I already defined sepoys as Indians who become proxies for Western sponsors. Becharis are women who overdo the “I have been abused” roles, so as to dramatize #4. Part 2 of this essay focused on them.

European colonial writers saw India as the theater where their European history was playing out, rather than viewing it from the Indians’ perspective. Likewise, may Judeo-Christian scholars use Hinduism Studies for their personal spiritual journey to enrich their native religion[52].

Not all stages take place in every case, and these stages might not happen in this exact sequence every time. Often, one scholar ends his/her career at a certain stage of this U-Turn process, and the successors continue further along this process[53]. It is important to note that Eurocentrism is most often unintentional and unconscious, because the person is so immersed in the myths of Westernism, that it is simply assumed to be the right thing to do[54].

This U-Turn has served as a way to plunder with one hand and denigrate the victim with the other. In earlier times, the Greeks appropriated much of “their” civilization from Egyptians. Christianity was built on Greek pagan ideas, but the pagans got condemned.

Therefore, subverting India’s Classics, while appropriating from them via a series of U-Turning scholars, is an important process for the sustenance of the myth of the West.

Some academic organizations, such as RISA (Religions In South Asia), remain as bastions of blatant Eurocentrism. See my “Asymmetric Dialog…” essay referenced above for details. Also, see my essay, “Who Speaks for Hinduism?[55]” These scholars control classrooms as forums, in which the students are often naïve and are not given viewpoints that challenge the scholars.

For instance, HCS (Hindu Christian Studies) was set up by academic scholars specifically to have a dialog between these two religions. But the discussions were centered mainly on Christian perspectives of Hinduism, along the lines of the “caste, cows and curry” themes. However, once a few Hindus tried to discuss information on caste in Indian Christianity, social abuses in Christian majority countries, etc., they were severely reprimanded by Lance Nelson, the scholar in charge of HCS. When this did not succeed, they threw out the Hindus, except for those who work under the Christians’ control, and even blocked public access to the discussion archive[56].

Likewise, RISA membership is closed to practicing Hindus, to Hindu pandits, gurus and swamis, even though it is the official scholarly body about religions of South Asia[57].

Both HCS and RISA give various excuses for behaving like the proverbial brahmins and treating the Hindus like shudras. For instance, they claim: (1) Practicing Hindus are not qualified to know about their own traditions[58]. (2) Most Hindus lack the critical thinking and/or the right “style” of presentation skills to merit entry amidst such lofty audiences. (3) It is for the Hindus’ own “good” to leave the controls with the Christians, so as to protect the Hindus from the Marxists. And so forth.

These “restricted” (and sometimes “secret”) societies use abusive language against those Hindus who try to bypassing the hegemony. The archive of these Hindu-bashing discussions is in the process of being researched for a series of future articles. Since their intended audience is not the well informed and self confident Hindu, they often get very embarrassed, afraid and/or angry when such Hindus discover their writings and start to read them publicly in front of large Hindu audiences.

Hindus’ loss of control over their own scholarship for centuries led to the “freezing” of a very vibrant tradition. While Christianity has progressed with constructive theologies (for instance, liberation theology), Hinduism scholarship has been under the trusteeship mainly of non-Hindus. Today, when Hindus re-interpret their texts to make them current with the times, they are dismissed as quacks, when all other major religions enjoy this privilege.

While literal Biblical interpretations are well respected, and this literalism is the belief of roughly half of all American Christians[59], when Hindus base their scholarship on literal interpretations of Puranas, they are condemned as “fascists”, “fundamentalists”, and so forth.

The academy does not encourage the use of Hindu categories to deconstruct and criticize Christianity, in the same manner as Christian hermeneutics are routinely used to deconstruct Hinduism.

It is simply expected of Hindus in the Western academic world to acknowledge acceptance of their servile place and be thankful for it. They are not entitled to the same rights to protest; nor is routine respect accorded – facts at variance with the rights and respect extended to Muslims and other minority religions in USA on their perseverance and demand. It is not surprising, therefore, that most Indian American Hindus confine their religious expression inside the walls of the 800 Hindu temples in North America, and “white Hindus” often prefer to hide their practice behind the new-age cover.

REFERENCES:

[1]“India and Europe,” by Wilhelm Halbfass. First edition, Delhi: MLBD, 1990, p. 44.
[2]“The Intimate Enemy,” by Ashis Nandy. Delhi: Oxford University Press, 1983, 1994, pp.6-7.
[3]This entire section is quoted from Colby College’s brochure about their curriculum.
[4] Ironically, these fields are in the Western representation system, and therefore, many modern Indians assume, by association, that the Western Classics must therefore be superior and somehow more relevant as compared to India’s Classics. In reality, Indian Classics are very science and postmodernism compatible, and in fact, many interpretations of quantum mechanics, cognitive sciences and contemporary other disciplines have drawn considerably from them.
[5] Including at Sulekha and other discussion boards.
[6] See: http://www.infinityfoundation.com/indic_colloq/colloq_home.htm
[7] Writings by prominent scholars who expose Eurocentrism, such as Blaut, Dussel, Inden, Dirks, and Nandy, are often excluded from undergraduate Religious Studies reading lists, where the Christian, Marxist and/or Western chauvinistic lenses takes prominence.
[8] “Imagining India,” by Ronald Inden. Indiana University Press. 2000. p.xii.
[9] A Department of Sanskrit has finally been established after decades of vehement opposition, but it is barely staffed and is of minor impact as compared to the well entrenched Eurocentric and Marxist oriented faculty.
[10] See “Eleven Objections to Sanskrit Literary Theory: A Rejoinder,” by Kapil Kapoor. Posted at:
http://www.infinityfoundation.com/mandala/s_es/st_es_kapoo_eleven_frameset.htm
Also see “Decolonizing English Studies: Attaining Swaraj,” by Makarand Paranjape. Posted at:
http://www.infinityfoundation.com/mandala/s_es/s_es_paran_swaraj_frameset.htm
[11] This week’s article in The Washington Post illustrates the strong Christian movement that considers “joining with other pagan clerics in an interfaith service” to be “an extremely serious offense against the God of the Bible.” See: http://www.washingtonpost.com/wp-dyn/articles/A30501-2002Jul5.html
[12] Clifford Geertz, “Thick Description: Toward an Interpretive Theory of Culture,” in The Interpretation of Cultures, (New York: Basic Books, 1973), pp. 3-30.
[13] “History: At the Limit of World-History,” by Ranajit Guha. Columbia University Press. 2002.
[14] This has been called The White Woman’s Burden.
[15] Gebser is the most influential thinker on this.
[16] For instance, Buddhism brought into Christianity the following: church bells, monasticism, rosaries, chanting, etc.
[17] The British men were referred to by their Indian servants as sahibs, and their women as ‘mem’-sahibs. The word ‘mem’ was Indianized for ‘madam.’ Now, elitist Indians have stepped into this role, as the brown sahibs and mem-sahibs.
[18] Non Governmental Organizations, the equivalent of non-profit organizations in the Third World, are heavily infiltrated by Western funding sources, and often serve as proxies for their interests.
[19] “Imagining India,” by Ronald Inden. 2000. p.xii.
[20] Inden.p.1.
[21] Inden.p.3.
[22] Inden.pp.3-4.
[23] Inden.pp.5-6.
[24] The major revision from the Native American perspective came when they successfully changed Christopher Columbus’ depiction in history from hero to plunderer of the natives. This caused the 1992 celebrations of the 500th anniversary of Columbus to be marginalized, and textbooks to be rewritten. Recently, they have won a major landmark in convincing California to ban the appropriation of their symbols for frivolous use. See “Calif. may force schools to drop Indian mascots,” May 16, 2002. Posted at:http://edition.cnn.com/2002/fyi/teachers.ednews/05/16/indian.mascots.ap/index.html
[25] For a critique of this, see “On the Misportrayal of India: Toward a New Look at Indian History,” by Dr. David B. Gray, posted at: http://www.infinityfoundation.com/mandala/h_es/h_es_gray-d_mispor_frameset.htm
[26] See, for instance, “Resources for the study of the Muslim Period of India,”
http://www.infinityfoundation.com/mandala/h_es/h_es_indian_hist_frameset.htm
[27] For instance, there could be a “Mohammed Purana.” Sufis have already Islamicized Indic mysticism. Such a fusion would be far better than the alienation now resulting from an overdose of misunderstood secularism.
[28] For a summary of these contributions, see the following two articles: (i)“Global Renaissance and the roots of Western wisdom”: http://www.noetic.org/Ions/publications/r56Malhotra.htm
(ii) “India’s place in global consciousness”:http://www.infinityfoundation.com/mandala/h_es/h_es_malho_global_frameset.htm
[29] “The Limit of History,” by Ranajit Guha. Columbia U.P. 2002.
[30] In fact, many Western scholars have told me that there is overwhelming evidence to prove that both Confucianism and Taoism were heavily influenced by Buddhism, and that Chinese archives from that era show this very clearly. However, it is the policy of the Chinese government, in which most Western China scholars are partners, that China’s civilization is to be depicted as internally constructed.
[31] Note, there is no special Hindu-Buddhist Art section. There is a South Asian Art section. This is a contradiction in classification: geography in one instance and religion in the other.
[32] See my previous Sulekha essay, titled, “America’s Last Chance,” on what a break-up of India might trigger in the global order.
[33] Sepoys were Indians working as the police under the British to oppress the Indian people.
[34] I wish to acknowledge Arvind Sharma as the person who proposed this term to me, as a way of describing the popular genre of scholarship against Hinduism. In the late 1790s, the British sponsored a distorted translation of the dharmasastras, in order to legitimize their social and legal policies in ruling India. This mistranslation, that continues to be the foundation of much social theorizing about India, was first published in the 1790s under the title, “The Laws of the Gentoos.” The term “gentoo” was a pejorative based on “gentile,” analogous to the term “nigger” used to refer to Africans. See Madhu Kishwar’s essay on this distortion at:
http://www.infinityfoundation.com/mandala/s_es/s_es_kishw_mythic_frameset.htm
Similar distorted scholarship continues to dominate today’s academic disciplines such as Indology, Religious Studies, and Anthropology.
[35] “The God of Literary Trends,” by Noy Thrupkaew, AlterNet. June 24, 2002:http://www.alternet.org/story.html?StoryID=13448
[36] “Impressing the Whites: The New International Slavery,” by Richard Crasta. Invisible Man Books.pp.80-81
[37] Crasta.p.24.
[38] Crasta.p.15.
[39] Crasta.pp.102-107.]
[40] “India’s Agony over Religion,” by Gerald James Larson. State University of New York Press, Albany 1995. pp.41-42.
[41] US Food and Drug Administration, the agency that approves new pharmaceutical drugs and treatments.
[42] This was mentioned by Mr. Mahesh Naithani while introducing the ambassador as keynote speaker at a cultural event in New Jersey, commemorating the 50th anniversary of the Chinmaya Mission in 2001, in the presence of 10,000 persons.
[43] Crasta.p.112.
[44] Defense Science Board. Report of the Panel on Defense: Social and Behavioral Sciences (Williamstown, Mass., 1967). As quoted in “Representing the Colonized: Anthropology’s Interlocutors,” by Edward Said. Critical Inquiry, Volume15 Winter 1989. P.214.
[45] Anonymous academic scholar of Religious Studies. This person is a white American who claims Hindu identity publicly.
[46] “Two Cheers for Colonialism,” by Dinesh D’Souza. The Chronicle Review, Page: B7. May 10th 2002. Available at: http://chronicle.com/free/v48/i35/35b00701.htm
[47] The nexus of this is at the Gender and Religions Research (GRR) Centre in the Department of the Study of Religions, School of Oriental & African Studies (SOAS), University of London, UK. The money comes from a well intending NFI businessman’s International Society Against Dowry & Bride-Burning in India, Inc. (ISADABBI), USA.
[48] This is true in practice of most large Hindu temples and institutions, and it is at the government’s discretion to apply such controls on Hindu organizations.
[49] S.K. Menon, a retired IAS officer who was previously in charge of this program in New Delhi, is conducting research on the data and expects to publish a report. See “A Measurement of India’s Secularist Policies by S.K. Menon” overview at:
http://www.infinityfoundation.com/mandala/s_pr/s_pr_menon_frameset.htm
[50] “Our Post Independence Intellectuals,” by C. Sitharam. Published in ‘Samyukta Karnataka,’ a daily from Bangalore. 12.6.2002. English translation by Dr. Upendra Shenoy.
[51] See: http://www.sulekha.com/column.asp?cid=156155
[52] Once they make this U-Turn back, they often explain their appropriations using theories of archetypes, namely, that all ideas were always present within all cultures, anyway. However, the “uniqueness” claims of Western superiority of rationality, science, morality, etc., are never explained away in this manner.
[53] For instance, Jung went to stage 2 and 3. But he was open about his debt to India. After his, his successors, i.e. present Jungians, erased these Indic sources and have sometimes denigrated the Indic sources as inferior in various ways. T. S. Eliot was very Hindu for a period when he composed his most famous poems, including The Wasteland. But today, this Indic influence is never mentioned in literature courses on Eliot.
[54] This is why the term “stealth Eurocentrism” might be appropriate in some instances.
[55] See: http://www.infinityfoundation.com/mandala/s_es/s_es_malho_critiq_frameset.htm
[56] As an unprecedented sign of paranoia, the HCS leaders decided to even remove the old archive from public access, as it contained considerable hate speech against Hinduism. However, many of the abusive posts were saved by some persons in their private archive.
[57] It is open only to those Hindus who are deemed qualified as per the standards and definition of those in charge. The control of the group is with Westerners and their Indian sepoys.
[58] They have organized sessions titled, “Coming out as a Hindu or Buddhist in the academy,” where the few who are brave to face insults have come out to prove that their objectivity of Hinduism scholarship is not compromised by their being a Hindu or Buddhist. Note, my suggestion that they should have sessions on “Coming out as a Christian Proselytizer of Hindus” has not been well received so far.
[59] Per George Gallup’s book of surveys of Americans’ religious beliefs.

 Published: 2002

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All Articles, Articles by Rajiv

A Business Model Of Religion – 1

Why a Business Model for Religion:

The world today owes its prosperity to the proper functioning of a free market system. This includes:

The regulatory framework for a level playing field.

The balancing of the suppliers’ freedom with the rights of consumers and society.

The accountability of the players to a variety of independent authorities.

However, since Marx’s 19th century analysis of religion using his economic theory of societies, there has been no systematic re-analysis of religion using the more recent free market models. This essay compares the management and business realm with the practices of organized religion. It calls for a paradigm shift in the study of religion.

The corporate world uses modeling techniques to dissect complex businesses and entire industries, to examine the supply chain dynamics of producers, distributors, retailers, and consumers, and to identify the strengths and weaknesses of various players. One also examines market share and competition, theregulatory framework, and so on. There is also considerable theory about group dynamics applicable to the politics of academe. Business models and paradigms can, therefore, bring creative new insights to religion, especially as practiced in capitalist societies.

Resistance from the Academic Cartel:

Some insiders to the academic field of religion are astonished when I talk about the fight for market shareamongst religions, about their brand management and franchise management, about the product life cycleand the use of promotions (such as Church Bingo and nowadays Church Yoga), or about hostile takeovers. Many disapprove of such sacrilegious language of commerce being applied to the holy arena. Some scholars recognize the potential for creative new insights. Yet others find it amusing.

But this new model allows me to realistically respond to the initial resistance I am getting from academia as an independent scholar entering the field of religion. Some scholars are defensive, perceiving me as a threat – a typical reaction when a consultant enters any new industry. These scholars have arrogated unto themselves the exclusive right to research on religion, trying to decertify those whom they cannot control, saying, “You don’t belong here,” or “You must submit to our rules,” and being fiercely defensive of any criticism of their high priests. There seems to be a cartel that controls the production of scholarship, an environment in which successful lobbying can often determine the ‘truth’ that gets sanctioned for distribution.

As in most industries, the academic discipline of religious studies also has many brilliant persons who are not threatened by new, creative and unorthodox approaches. But reminding me of corporate life, there are also minions and sycophants with their personal agendas – a visa, PhD, job, tenure, appointment on prestigious boards, and selection to academic panels and journals. Such persons are trapped inside “the game”. They have little incentive or courage to challenge the system from within.

In common with other fields of pursuit, many senior academicians have little time to think afresh, to read, or to make paradigm-shifting innovations, because they are overburdened with administrative and pedagogical duties, and the publish-or-perish syndrome.

This is where an ‘outsider’ has advantages: fresh perspective, nothing-to-lose attitude, lots of time to invest in learning, and creative models of thinking brought from prior experience. The power dynamics between ‘insiders’ and ‘outsiders’ in a given industry are not so one-sided as might first be claimed by the ‘insiders’.

When the academic fortress assumes the aura of the Afghani caves, then intellectual battles have to be taken to the caves.

Questions Raised:

This essay raises the following questions:

What would religions look like if they were modeled on the mainstream, well-established paradigms of business?

What would be the practical consequences of religion being classified as a business?

What new insights might such analyses bring that do not now exist in the academic study of religion?

The last question is the ultimate test of whether such an inquiry holds merit, because any new model must deliver new perspectives or new insights in order to be worthwhile. Therefore, the essay concludes with a list of eighteen issues and perspectives provided by this modeling exercise, thereby claiming its usefulness.

  • Business modeling became a new hermeneutics for the study of religion, alongside the existing hermeneutics of psychoanalysis, anthropology, and text analysis, then it would expand the field of inquiry.

This essay does not take a stand on the value or lack of value of spiritual life, nor about the validity of any specific religion’s claims. Hence, it neither criticizes nor defends spirituality itself. It merely introduces to Religious Studies, the language of Business, which after all, is what makes the world run today.

I shall illustrate that certain religions already think of themselves as being in a competitive market, and that making this explicit and public would only enhance transparency. Also, I hope to illustrate that in some areas, becoming more businesslike would upgrade standards of scholarship. Business methods of analysis are being seen here in a positive light.

The Theological Product:

The product portfolio of a given religion usually consists of three parts: theological, sociological, and historical identity.

In the case of the three great Abrahamic religions (Judaism, Christianity, and Islam), the theological product has two components:

(a) God’s love in paradise, and
(b) an insurance from Eternal Damnation in Hell.

The former is the positive theological product, and the latter incites fear of Hell. In Christianity, these two components are collectively described as ‘being saved’, and the benefits come only after death.

However, in the case of many Indic dharmas (Hinduism, Buddhism, Jainism, Sikhism), the theological product does not involve component #b as there is no notion of Hell. The notion of #a is of recovering one’s true nature and destiny, known as ‘sat-chit-ananda’ in Hinduism, and as nirvana in Buddhism. In Hinduism, one does not start off as condemned waiting to be ‘saved’. Instead, one’s inherent nature is blissful, pure, all-knowing, and divine. Many Indic dharmas offer this state of liberation in the “here and now”, as living saints claim to have achieved.

The Sociological Product:

The sociological product is a vast portfolio of benefits during one’s life as a member of the given religion’s community, including such advantages as:

Escape from caste or other abusive social or gender bias;

Enhancement of the convert’s self-image and identity by being seen as a member of the globally dominant culture;

Better job opportunities and financial assistance from certain well-financed religions exclusively to their own members;

Political power through block voting and lobbying.

Class-Action Suits?

Considering the empirically verifiable nature of the sociological product, could product liability issues lead toclass-action suits? For instance:

Indian Christianity has a caste system, whereas Christianity claims to free the convert from caste. Is this false advertising?

Is the offer of financial rewards to potential converts, even if indirect, a fair marketing practice or is it discriminatory?

One could evaluate the sociological side-effects of the product that are not properly disclosed: Hindu girls in Christian schools are often told to stop using mehndi and bindi, converts are often pressured to change their names, to boycott their language and culture, and sometimes to disown family and friends.

What are the problems caused by these unofficial aspects of the product, that are often delayed until the convert is firmly under their control? Are there adequate quality controls on the product to ensure that such social abuses do not occur even unintentionally?

Is there full disclosure prior to conversion? Is the conversion decision made under duress?

Consumer Fraud?

Prior to launching a new product in a large market, it is a good business practice to first test market it in a small market. However,

El Salvador is a small 100% Christian country that shares a common colonial history with many of the same countries that Christianity now targets for conversion. Since El Salvador is already Christian, Christianity should first seek to achieve sociological success in its various claims, there. Then only should Christianity proceed to justify its product claims to bigger and more complex markets such as India.

But, so far, Christian missionaries in El Salvador (and other similar post-colonized Christian countries) have been unsuccessful in eradicating the scourges they attribute to Hinduism in India. A test market’s statistical improvements on crime, child abuse, teen pregnancy, spousal abuse, drugs, divorce, poverty, etc. must demonstrate the success of the sociological benefits that Christianity, Inc. claims. Are these “Hindu problems” of India also “Christian problems” for many poor Latin American and African countries? A multivariate analysis could show whether a given problem is purely economic and/or historical rather than because of any specific religion.

The financial capital deployed per person to achieve success in a small test market must then be the basis to project the level of capital required to eradicate similar problems in India; and the sources of such amounts of philanthropy should be identified.

Until this is done, the sociological polemics that are the basis for much proselytizing must be viewed as misleading claims, and potentially as consumer fraud.

Is it an unfair marketing practice to make product claims that cannot be proved even in smaller markets where the supplier enjoys a monopoly without interference?

Historical Identity and Neurosis:

Historical identity, the third part of the product, is often disguised and not marketed explicitly, and yet is a part and parcel of the package deal. V. S. Naipaul explains this in the case of Islam2:

“Islam is not a matter of conscience or private belief. It makes imperial demands. A convert’s worldview alters. His holy places are in Arab lands; his sacred language is Arabic. His idea of history alters. He rejects his own; he becomes, whether he likes it or not, a part of the Arab story. The convert has to turn away from everything that is his. The disturbance for societies is immense, and even after a thousand years can remain unresolved; the turning away has to be done again and again. People develop fantasies about who and what they are; and in the Islam of converted countries there is an element of neurosis and nihilism. These countries can be easily set on the boil.”

This explains the importance for Islamic invaders to destroy the past of the conquered people, their religious places, books, centers of learning, and even to try and convert their identity into becoming as Arabic as possible.

Elitist Indians and Pakistanis both assume the Macaulay identity (of becoming as British as possible). But at the grassroots level, the Indian masses are proud of their traditional identity nurtured in the Indian soil, whereas the grassroots of Pakistan are aspiring to an Arab identity that is alien to the region. The culture of the desert is being transplanted, by pressure, upon the people of forests and rivers.

Pakistanis insist that they are not Indian converts to Islam for two reasons:

(i) If they were seen as Indians who converted, it would be emotionally painful to accept the anti-India rhetoric, for people love their cultural motherlands.

(ii) If they are essentially the same as Indian Muslims, then, given the superior economic and social advancement of India as compared to Pakistan, the logic for a separate sovereign Pakistan could come into question.

To legitimize the two-nation theory to which Pakistan is committed, an un-Indian self-identity must be constructed and asserted vehemently. This Arabization of Islamic communities causes a neurotic behavior in the latter’s quest for a manufactured self-identity.

Amongst the major world religions, Buddhism is the least concerned with historical identity in the product line:

Buddhism has successfully migrated into the cultures of China, Japan, Sri Lanka, Thailand, Tibet, and now the United States, and is also enjoying a revival in India, its homeland.

Yet, in each case, it acquired the cultural color of its host, and never attempted to destroy the native cultures.

This has led to unique blends in each instance – China’s blends of Buddhism with Taoism, Japan’s with Shintoism, Tibet’s with tantra, America’s with modernity and post-modernity, etc.

Hindutva:

Hindutva is a contemporary Hindu movement trying to make the historical identity a central element of its product:

Hindutva espouses the literal interpretation of the Hindu epics such as Ramayana, and builds the modern Hindu identity on a lineage to the people represented in the epics.

However, large parts of Hinduism are unrelated to any such historical identity. ‘White Hindus’ and ‘white neo-Hindus’, the twenty million Americans practicing yoga/meditation, would clearly be one of the segments in the ahistorical category.

Too much focus on historicity has not only debarred newcomers into Hinduism, but has also made the legitimacy of Hinduism contingent upon the provability of ancient historical claims.

Hinduism’s theologies do not depend upon any history for their validity, in the same sense as the Laws of Gravitation do not depend upon proving the historical details of Newton’s life. This is where Hindutva might run the risk of canonizing and historicizing Hinduism into a prophetic revealed religion.

Whether such a Hindu historical identity is entirely a modern process is the subject of considerable debate.

Exclusivism:

The exclusivity claims of some religions is a serious bone of contention:

Some religions claim the USP (Unique Selling Proposition) of having an exclusive franchise from God, in perpetuity. Others claim that there is no exclusive franchise for anyone, that God uses multiple distributors, and that God even has different products for different kinds of humans.

Some religions claim that the product is frozen by virtue of a unique historical revelation, never to be repeated again. Hence, their product life cycle starts from the historical founding of their particular religion till the ‘end of time’. They also claim special privileges as one tribe over all of humanity.

But Indic dharmas do not claim finiteness of time, and do not claim that the final representation of Truth is ever attainable in the normal human state. Hinduism has seen a series of rishis update the corpus of spiritual texts, and Buddhists likewise have seen many arhats and bodhisattvas bring new insights – the result being that the Indic dharmas have enormous libraries and not One Book. Rather than being a fixed product, Indic dharmas are more of a process by which highly personalized and contextualized ‘svadharma’ (personal dharma) gets revealed and interpreted in accordance with the individual and the circumstances.

Many Hindus and Buddhists discard the notion of one absolute representation of Truth or of one exclusive path, just as most Americans reject the Soviet model of one airline, one kind of automobile, one breakfast cereal, and one official worldview.

Selling God’s Love:

The production cost for the theological product in every religion is typically “zero” — there is no cost-of-goods-sold for God’s love. And there is always infinite inventory available.

However, for the sociological product, the poor converts need to be serviced, and this is where revenuesthrough fund-raising are required. The fund-raising is most successful through emotional appeal. Hence, one highlights the terrible plight of the heathens awaiting deliverance through the new product. The gullible are implored to send their checks.

The three portions of the product family are inter-related:

The Abrahamic religions have theologies of collective salvation, a sort of collective bargain from God.

These collective theologies have the sociological effect of a tight community, because the community collectively expects salvation in paradise. Hence, relationships developed on earth are important because they continue in paradise.

This also causes them to focus on history, because the community is often seen as having been divinely chosen to do God’s work on earth and enjoy the rewards in paradise.

Often, such work turns into an obsession, outwardly projected to make sure that others are in compliance with the collective deal from God, unlike in the case of the Indic theologies of individual enlightenment. This is the basis for the ‘kick ass’ aggressive, militaristic, mentality of the pre-Reformation Abrahamic religions (such as large portions of Islam today), or marketing oriented mentality as in Christianity. Trade unions have a similar tendency to impose on all members because the union’s viability is threatened if there is individual choice.

In Indic theologies, yoga, karma, reincarnation, etc are entirely individual and not collective, and hence the focus is on the unique inner journey of each individual.

Proprietary Brands:

The claim of exclusivity is a major feature of certain brands.

Try convincing an orthodox Muslim, for instance, that Allah-Koran-Mohammed is merely one of many legitimate paths, and that Hindu/Buddhist models are also legitimate. (This is entirely different than asking for mere ‘tolerance’.)

Or try to argue that just as Muslims regard Hindu images of divine to be ‘idols’, by the same logic, a Hindu or Buddhist could view the Muslim holy Kaaba (in Mecca) as an ‘idol’: after all, one billion Muslims turn towards the Kaaba five times daily, and are required to visit it at least once in their lives, and hence it would appear to be the most popular idol in the world as seen by an outsider!

Similar arguments with Christians reveal that beneath the veneer of inter-faith ‘tolerance’, there is often an absence of genuine respect for the legitimacy of the faith of others.

One might say that generic brands are viewed as a threat, even if they also include the same Monotheistic features. Hence, exclusivist monotheism is mono-brand-ism.

Appropriation as Brand Management:

Brand management has reached sophisticated levels in Christianity, given its extensive encounters with other cultures over the centuries. Christianity has successfully appropriated, under its own brand, the symbols of other religions:

Pagan ideas were introduced into early Christianity, while demonizing the brand of the pagans.

While there was genocide of natives in North Americans, in South America, the natives were often converted through a process of appropriation. Their own gods were appropriated as saints into Christianity, so as to make the converts feel comfortable worshipping the same symbols but in the context of Christianity.

Subsequent generations of converted Christians were then gradually weaned off their own symbols and gods, and moved into mainstream Christianity.

All this may be modeled as very successful and sophisticated brand expansion through acquisitions andhostile takeovers.

While protecting one’s own brand, the competitive strategy of market share expansion has often been to damage the other’s brand through a variety of methods, such as the following:

De-contextualizing the assets of the competitor: By removing positive aspects from a competitor’s brand and turning them into generic products – such as removing the “Hindu” signature from new age yoga, meditation, karma theory, vegetarianism, ecological theories, and even turning Hindu epics into Star Wars and other generic renderings – one diminishes the proprietary claims of Hinduism.

Re-contextualizing the assets of the competitor: By appropriating positive things from the competitor’s brand into one’s own brand, thereby reducing the competitor’s advantage in areas where his product is stronger – a form of stealing.

For example: The Potta Christian Dhyana Kendra in central Kerala, with its own new railway station, is a famous organ of conversion for the Catholic Church. Its programs are based on Hindu techniques of yoga and meditation. Alcoholism and drug addiction, which are very serious problems for the Kerala Christians, are treated here by “dhyana” groups. Because of the center’s popularity, a new phrase,Pottayil Dhyanam Kuduka (to congregate for the Potta kind of dhyanam), is now part of the Malayalam language.

Young recruits are brought in big groups, trained as future proselytizers, and then returned to their native places to continue saving condemned souls. The graduates highlight their newly acquired “Christian” identities provocatively, and often do not accept ‘prasad’ offered by a Hindu, even by former friends and neighbors.

This alienation, taught by their pastors, has created many unhealthy social attitudes in Kerala that scholars have ignored in their sociological studies of India and the missionaries.

Mis-contextualizing the assets of the competitor: De-legitimizing the competitor by negative associations can be used to create taboos and negative brand value.

For instance, many scholars regard negative aspects of modern Indian society as being caused solely by Hinduism, even though these are, in many instances, the result of a complex social history, large parts of which included attacks on Hinduism by the same foreign forces that now charge Hinduism with the blame. Examples include: caste, dowry, child marriage, sati, poverty, and illiteracy.

Many of these phenomena certainly existed in earlier Hindu society, but in a different form, perhaps milder and not so rigid, and usually not consistently or homogeneously over time. But the popular myth spun by scholars has been to situate every scourge squarely within Hinduism and to superimpose obscure Hindu textual references to ‘prove’ that these are “Hindu problems”.

That many modern Hindus have themselves imbibed these manipulations in their own understanding of their identity, shows how successful the dominant culture has been in downgrading Hinduism.

This raises issues about the dominant marketer’s potential breach of unregistered trademarks of others, and about theft of intellectual proprietary rights, especially serious at a time when the west is vehemently protecting its own IPR in WTO3 and other global forums.

Also, one could use the US Federal Trade Commission rules as the basis for evaluating unfair competitive practices. Should unfair trashing of a competitor be subject to litigation as unfair competition?

Should unsubstantiated product claims about one’s own theological or sociological products be subject to the laws pertaining to consumer protection and truth in advertising?

Accountability and Transparency:

If judged as businesses, would religions sometimes be violating the Sherman Antitrust Act and Clayton Antitrust Act, along with other anti-monopoly laws4, given their penchant for market dominance regardless of means? Furthermore, would there be anti-trust issues concerning academic associations that subvert the religions they purport to study, by adopting the lens of the colonizer and proselytizer who target these religions?

I grant that religions should enjoy tax-free status. However:

By requiring them to file the same tax returns and SEC and other regulatory filings as businesses do, there would be greater transparency, audit accountability, and due diligence. One could give religions a zero percent tax rate, so that the purpose of such filings would only be a full disclosure in the same minute details as is the case of corporations. This would allow the public access behind the veil of secrecy that many religions normally wear.

For instance, the US is now investigating several Islamic religious organizations in the US for their alleged links to the Al Qaeda: Could this problem have been discovered earlier if the law had required them to file information in the same manner as the private sector does?

Standards of Discourse:

A normal business presentation starts with an executive summary up front, whereas a religion scholars’ meet could conclude with the audience still wondering about the intended message. (This, incidentally, is often considered as the hallmark of religion scholarship, while clear, straight talk is often considered ‘commercial’ and unscholarly!) I would support greater transparency:

The thesis must be stated up front as to what the scholar’s position is.

Supporting data should be logically organized, preferably with the main argument flowcharted.

Cross-examination by the audience should be allowed systematically, without factors of hierarchy or pedigree.

Too often, the contexts are left implicit, ambiguous and manipulated, and there is pretence of not taking a stand so as to be seen as objective.

A logical proposition must be refutable or else it is dogmatic. Too many intellectual propositions seem to bypass the system because of power plays and “who knows whom”. While similar politics exist in business, mediocrity succumbs to innovation, because of the market-based meritocracy.

Every successful corporate executive knows how to communicate in a clear and convincing manner, without the obscurantism that is so typical of religious studies. The frame of reference, segmentation system, and categories adopted – these must be explicit and must be defended.

By adopting business standards and practices, I am confident that the standard of communication, and the due diligence by opponents, would improve drastically.

It seems to me that many of the brighter students opt for science, business, medicine, etc., leaving religion with professionals who sometimes could not get into a more analytical and logical field. This could, perhaps, explain the prevailing standard of discourse in religious studies. (An analysis of SAT Math scores, comparing students majoring in religion with students majoring in science, business, medicine, could provide some clues.)

Finally, it seems that compared to the multi-disciplinary skills demanded of corporate executives, many academic scholars of religion are too narrowly focused:

Many scholars of Hinduism do not know much about its epistemology.

They do not know the various scientific theories of meditation, since these are often classified under cognitive science and psychology.

The Abrahamic religions are not rooted in the inner sciences the way the Indic dharmas are. This inexperience in the Abrahamic, Western approach to the study of religion has led to an inadequate recognition of these dimensions. Hence, theology is viewed mainly as a study of history, and the rest of religion is largely reduced to sociology.

The CEO’s Communication Skills:

The revealed prophetic religions are based on very exact instructions and commandments from what they have portrayed as a masculine, angry, and demanding God. What would be the rating of such a CEO of a Fortune 500 firm?

God’s communication has been sloppy and ambiguous, has been misunderstood by His own appointed distributors, and continues to be the subject of intense fights amongst those loyal to Him – not the hallmarks of a good communicator. Yet, He has failed to show up or to be accessible to genuine seekers who are desperate to know His rules directly, without distortions by middlemen.

Given how demanding He is, and how high the stakes are between eternity in Paradise and burning at the barbeque in Hell, His communication style and customer service should have been more efficient. To demand so intensely of one’s employees, one must also make the rules user friendly.

Why has He not issued a new release of his policy manuals for such a long time, especially since the original releases did not achieve the goals He had established?

Why did He privilege one tribe to act with the absolute authority of the human resources department to enforce His policies upon others, even after this department has failed for centuries, has done many evil deeds in His name, and continues to be incompetent?

In other words, why has God not reorganized his shop?

The CEO’s Ethics:

The actions of his middlemen depict God as violating equal opportunity laws. His appointed individuals use His words to vindicate criminal misconduct, including genocide and plunder:

In the Bible, He hates Jews and Blacks.

In the Quran, He cruelly condemns those who wish to reach Him by paths that are not Saudi controlled (as though bringing tourism business into Mecca were his vested interest).

In all three revealed religions, He utters hate speech against women.

He thinks of His created animals as objects for man’s pleasure, and nature as material rather than sacred. Based on the image projected by His own public relations department, this CEO appears neither eco-friendly nor respectful of His own plant and equipment.

Considering the diversity of His creation, why does He not appreciate that humans have different mental capabilities; that they are in different mental and emotional states; and that any one simplistic book of rules would hardly suffice for all, especially given the ineffective communication channels being used.

Why would any competent executive give exclusive rights of His franchise to one special group of distributors, without a merit based selection, and then leave the exclusivity provision intact despite non performance and abuse by the distributor for centuries?

If you were a CEO being falsely profiled in this manner by your own people, would you consider it slander and insubordination? On the other hand, if such a portrayal of a CEO were true, any Fortune 500 firm would surely fire that CEO!

It should be noted that Jesus’ character has many great CEO qualities, as mentioned in a book titled, “Jesus, CEO”5.

Militancy, Marketing, and Mysticism:

Militancy, Marketing, and Mysticism — these are the three alternative religious ethos and paradigms to interact with other religions:

Islam is still pre-reformation. Its ethos is often militaristic, not always literally violent; but, metaphorically, it has the attitude of conquering the world in Allah’s name.

Christianity still uses some of its historical militaristic language, but its ethos has shifted into the marketing model.

The Indic dharmas have a mystical outlook as their mainstream ethos. Christianity and Islam have sidelined their mystics into a corner for most of their histories, when they have tolerated them at all.

Though mysticism might be the desired ultimate destiny for humanity, it is impractical to realize this in the near future. Meanwhile, a mystical faith like Hinduism must survive the onslaught of militancy and market expansion by others, without itself becoming militant.

(Note that Sikhism was Hinduism’s response to Islamic militancy by becoming like Islam. It adopted many things from Islam, such as monotheism, one book, militancy, hierarchy and discipline; while retaining the essential theology of Hinduism, such as karma, reincarnation, Aum and mantras, epics such as Ramayana, vegetarianism, etc.)

To neither adopt militancy as a response to an aggressor, nor to be preyed upon as passive mystics, I propose that Hindu leaders adopt the marketing model for this stage of social evolution and globalization. Given the non-expansionist Hindu ethos, it would serve for defensive marketing, i.e. protecting against others’ offensive marketing campaigns.

Interfaith dialogs would be more effective if they openly adopted the market model, seeing each others as suppliers of competing worldviews on a level playing field. This should replace the polite, politically correct but insincere talk that has not changed what is preached in congregations.

Questions and New Insights:

Like all thought experiments, this essay is not about any new facts or conclusions, but is intended to provoke questions by seeing old things in a new way.

Following are some of my observations and questions as a result of this exercise, and I invite readers’ reactions.

  1. Many parts of the Religion field already operate like a business, especially the internal management in certain organizations. But this is not acknowledged explicitly and externally, because of the fear that the business aura would de-legitimize the divine sanctity of religion.

Given the credibility of merit based free marketing today, one is hardly able to reject the use of its time-tested theories:

I wonder why business school case studies have not focused on religion, considering that religion is larger in revenue and employment than many industries where management theory is applied.

Such an approach might raise the standards of due diligence, hermeneutics of logical analysis, and evidence cross-examination in religious studies, and help to create a level playing field with greater transparency.

Being less burdened by the baggage of dogma and sentiments, it would be a more rational system to balance between rights of producers and consumers.

It would challenge the criteria used in segmentation and comparative religion that have emerged from the dominant players over time.

Business analysis would force a clearer definition of the product family of a given religion, allow for empirical measurement of claims, and define the criteria to be used by a consumer in evaluating the competing alternatives.

  1. RISA6 (Religion In South Asia) should be managed as an industry association that invites the views of competitors, independent scholars, regulators, and consumer groups in the field. It should, therefore, not be biased to any particular set of standards that privilege one set of suppliers, especially those who dominate the market through hermeneutics, pedigrees, or funding.
  2. Should rules and regulations of the US Federal Trade Commission and other consumer laws be applied to monitor sales campaigns by religions, and could litigation be carried out in instances of abuse? Do suppliers’ claims live up to standards of truth in advertising and disclosure?
  3. Should anti-trust laws be applied to investigate potential monopolistic practices by certain groups of related parties in their control of critical bottlenecks – such as academic journals, academic conferences, and appointments to centers of power? Is there asymmetry in financial power that gives certain players an unfair competitive advantage over others?
  4. Is a given religion’s sociological product derived from its theological product, or is it produced by political or historical forces? Are theological and sociological products bundled as a package deal or available unbundled? For instance, given the massive land grants and funding enjoyed by the Church since colonial times, it offers some of the best education in many poor countries. Should this be required to be unbundled from religion so as to avoid giving them an unfair competitive advantage, especially considering the unfair circumstances under which these grants were received in the first place?
  5. Is proselytizing sometimes an export of culture, e.g. the Arabization of Muslims everywhere?
  6. Are historical prophet-based products able to benefit from on-going R & D, or are they frozen, except for appropriations from other religions? How do canonized products introduce new releases, without requiring the two-century long violent process that made Christian Reformation possible?
  7. Is the modern Hindutva movement unintentionally harming the interests of Hinduism, because in many instances:

It essentializes Hinduism, reducing it to canon, and leading to a potential frozen state, rather than encouraging its continued evolution, as in previous periods when it flourished?

It overemphasizes history as the basis for the legitimacy of Hinduism, making it vulnerable to historical claims?

It conflates Hinduism with a geographical region at a time when religions are globalizing, and this hurts Hindus of various ethnic origins living outside India?

It ignores the importance of Hinduism’s image in comparative religion and other disciplines in the Western secular education system, because it fails to differentiate between arms-length education and preaching?

It does not commit enough quality or quantity of resources to do competitor analysis or to participate in industry forums, thereby leaving most Hindus introverted and unprepared to debate in a comparative context?

It uses religion to achieve political motives, mixing political expediency and ethics with religiosity?

Greater intellectual diversity and debate are needed within the Hindu movement, because blindly following the leaders is uncharacteristic of the Hindu ethos. Also, this self-criticism would counterbalance the severe criticism now coming from outsiders, often with hostile intentions.

  1. Will Indic dharmas be able to revive their long R & D traditions of advanced yogis and rishis being laboratories to discover, document, debate, and verify, inner phenomenology? Where are such yogis today, or is the west ahead in the appropriation and R & D of Indic dharmas?
  2. What are the channels of distribution for receiving grace from God? Hinduism offers grace though living saints, whereas Christianity mostly offers grace only though the institution of the church but not through living saints. (In fact, a person can become a saint in Christianity only after death.) This strengthens church institutions giving them a life of their own, whereas in the case of Hinduism, loyalty has often been to individual living saints and hence there is lack of continuity after a saint leaves. How do these factors influence the relative competitiveness of various religions?
  3. Given that ‘identity’ is the way we see ourselves, while ‘brand’ is the way others see us:

Does the dominant culture define the brand of a colonized religion in such a way that over time it becomes the adopted identity of the colonized people?

For example, ‘pagan’ was the derogatory brand given by Christianity to pre-Christian religions (the term means ‘country bumpkin’), but today the ‘pagans’ often define themselves by that name.

The same has also been true of Hindus adopting ‘caste’ identities as defined by the British in many instances.

Using this model, is Hindutva a movement to redefine the brand and hence the self-identity of Hindus in the modern era?

  1. What is the brand loyalty of religious products, and under what conditions do consumers switch brands?
  2. What are the patterns of customer care after the acquisition of a soul?
  3. Could Gandhi’s Satyagraha be seen as a consumer strategy to disempower the producers by boycotting and substituting products, and using other means of non-violent disobedience? Just as Gandhi exploited the British self-image of being ‘civilized’ by compelling them to act civilized in the face of his Satyagraha, could the consumers of biased academic scholarship exploit the scholars’ need to be seen as being ‘objective’? In other words, could Gandhian methods of redefining power be applied to influence the relationship between the faith communities and the scholars who mis-portray them?
  4. The Government of India (GOI) has continued the colonial practice of asymmetric policies that favor the minority religions:

For instance, the bulk of the annual grants by GOI (similar in nature to the much touted faith-based initiative of the US) have gone to Christian institutions.

Also, while the administration and financial management of Hindu temples are controlled by secular (and often non-Hindu) civil servants appointed by GOI, the other religions are totally autonomously controlled.

Would a business approach consider these to be unfair regulations? Has this asymmetry encouraged several Hindu organizations to remove the “Hindu brand” so as to escape GOI controls?

  1. Christianity has achieved less than three percent market share in India, even after 400 years, and despite colonial patronage and the continuing flood of proselytizing funds. On the other hand, proselytizing has created many tensions. Would it be better for Christianity to stop ALL proselytizing, and enter into a joint venture with Hinduism in order to stop the market expansion of fundamentalist Islam? Fundamentalist Islam’s spread, via tens of thousands of Saudi funded madrassas, would threaten Christianity’s expansion, whereas Hinduism is not expansionist. Would Christianity’s long term interests be better served by strengthening Hinduism’s ability to withstand Islamic pressure? This should be examined in a business-like manner.
  2. Leaders of the non-Abrahamic religions should become more adept in these business areas, such as: competitive analysis, R&D, education of priests for public speaking and promotional marketing, product definition for various market segments, distribution channel strategies, etc.
  3. This new framework would open the scholarship door to many otherwise disenfranchised Indians in the arena of their heritage, who have strengths in management consultancy and business theory.

Finally, I wish to clarify that this proposal is not intended to exclude other hermeneutics, such as text analysis, anthropological studies, and psychoanalysis. It is intended to expand the field by introducing more ways of thinking about religion. Part 2 of this essay will follow.

References:

  1. See the documented complaints by Dalit Christians against the Church for caste based oppression of Dalits, even though Dalits are numerically the bulk of India’s Christians:http://www.dalitchristians.com/Html/videoselection.htm
    2. “Beyond Belief”, V, S. Naipaul. Vintage Books. 1999. p. xi
    3. IPR = Intellectual Property Rights. WTO = World Trade Organization. Western nations have pressured the poor into accepting western laws on intellectual property rights, and into having to pay billions of dollars of royalties to western multinationals. But the same Western civilizations have been built largely on appropriated IPR from tropical and ancient civilizations, in numerous scientific and cultural fields freely and with impunity.
    4. The Sherman Antitrust Act of 1890, The Clayton Antitrust Act of 1914, the congressional provisions for creating the Federal Trade Commission in 1914, and various enforcements by Federal and State courts, together comprise the anti-monopoly laws of the US. Basically, these laws attack (i) concentrations of power that reduce competition, (ii) exclusionary tactics that try to eliminate competition, and (iii) size and structure of organizations that could restrain trade. These laws apply not only to formal cartels, but also to informal arrangements and de facto practices – the ‘wink and nod’ method of controlling a market. Besides the government being able to sue for various consequences, private parties may also sue under these laws to claim triple damages.
    5. “Jesus, CEO” by Laurie Beth Jones. Focuses on Leadership qualities of Jesus in modern business language: vision, boldness, visibility, turnaround specialist, positive outlook, leadership, etc.
    6. RISA is a group within the American Academy of religion, the 10,000 strong association of academic scholars of religion. AAR is the official association of the religionwallahs.

Published: 2001

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Going Forward

Besides agreeing with Vijay’s statement about going Zara Dhire Se, there is also the fact that the themes of dialogue might explode, so that each response would have to be larger than prior ones just to address everything on the table every time. Therefore, I suggest that we structure the dialogue into a manageable number of distinct (while overlapping) themes. We could either take each theme one at a time (say a month each, for instance). Alternatively, we could go on multiple themes in parallel, but with each individual post addressing one specific theme to keep the focus. What do you think of the following as a potential list of themes that would enable us to better structure the dialog? This list is just to put something on the table (in no special order):

  1. Discussion of Categories

This includes examining left/right and alternatives. The category of religion needs to be discussed. What is “Indic” and is it useful? Is secularism contingent upon the category of religion, and what might be equivalent in Indian traditions? I have a lot of problematic categories that are rarely being questioned by South Asianists but are simply used as universals. This theme allows open and creative exploration of these matters.

  1. Indigenous Indian liberation theories, practices and hopes

Here we could discuss the past, present status and future potential for liberation from within the Indian systems, without need for Ford Foundation’s $50 million/yr funding in India (which is equivalent to over $500 million/yr in US terms), or for that matter, from any other foreign sources. What are some resources available, what new inputs/changes are required, etc.? Liberation Hinduism would belong here. Does/should the Indian Left have a monopoly on the category of “progress”?

  1. History-centrism

We agree that each faith has both kinds (a point made in my Sulekha essay on this topic). But exceptions do not prove the rule. The key distinction is in terms of the public consensus as that enjoys legitimacy (as opposed to persecution/denigration). The fact is that the Meister Eckharts (and their Sufi equivalents) were almost always hounded in their times, and only centuries later rediscovered, often after westerners had dipped deep into Hindu-Buddhist traditions and retroactively projected on to their own historical identities. This is also an important theme in uncovering the dynamics in India: Is Hinduism becoming history-centric, and what might be the consequences, and how might one view Hindutva in this context? Are there potential bridges between non history-centric peoples across faiths? It opens up new ways to do comparative religion. It includes examining itihas as a category that is distinct from history.

  1. Power and Knowledge in India related studies

Not only is this a very theme one for both of us, but it seems we agree on many things here. I would bring the Guha comment as part of this. This theme should include many things, such as: (i) western institutions, (ii) Indians in western institutions (elitists and resisters), (iii) Indian NGOs funded by western institutions, (iv) Indian media and activists impressing the whites – including as pets, patients, children, sepoys, chowkidars, etc., (v) role of “theories” as indirect colonization mechanisms, (vi) Hinduja and other Indians’ funding of projects, (vii) the role of English language (historical, present and future), (viii) role of the economy/marketplace of symbols, (ix) curriculum/research biases, (x) racism, and (xi) recommended solutions (which we both have for discussion).

  1. Globalization and Indian political economy

It seems we cannot decouple these themes, as globalization is here whether one likes it or not, and the question is what kind of globalization there should be. Since isolationism is not a serious option, one must negotiate globalization vigorously, and hence, the Indian political economy must be located alongside the issue of globalization generally. We must not ignore the role of multinational religious enterprises alongside commercial MNCs. I was glad to read Madhu Kishwar’s recent criticism of WSF NGOs in Indian Express on NGOs as MNCs.

  1. Patriotism/Nationalism 

I see these are distinct: defensive and offensive, respectively. But we should discuss what alternative grand narratives compete, both pro and anti, and what we each feel about the meaning of India going forward.

Please let me have your changes to this so we may proceed. We may periodically take stock, modify, perhaps get a third party to summarize each theme.

Published: January 23, 2004

 

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