All Articles, Articles by Rajiv

Where is India in the Encounter of Civilizations?

I did not have the honor of knowing or meeting Mr. Hegde personally. But Bharadwaj gave me some reading material which was very informative and very impressive. And in fact the rise of disruptive forces, which was already referenced, is an extremely important lecture he gave in 1992. It resonates with lot of my own work.

How much I wish he were here as a collaborator! Because I am trying to take forward the same sort of ideas which he mentioned in 1992 and a lot of what I am going to talk about is where these disruptive forces are today.

It turns out that the disruptive forces have become stronger and more institutionalized and more organized but worst of all they have become internationalized and linked with global forces. So while Hegde talks about Khalistan movement, North East movement, Dravidian movement and various other disruptive movements, in that era before the globalization, they were contained locally within certain space and there were no connections with forces outside of the country, global nexuses, which now exist. And that would be an important part of what I want to talk about.

“Disruptive forces” – Centrifugal forces

Some of my research interests, which I am presenting in this lecture, have to do with India’s centrifugal forces, which are what Hegde would call the disruptive forces. Centrifugal forces are as you know anything that tears the system apart. And these are both external and internal. Internal disruptive forces are today known as communalism and also socio-economic disparities of various kind.

There is another dimension of centrifugal forces which are external. It is not just Pakistan stirring up disruptive forces in India; it is not just China linking up with Maoist forces in India; it is not just Baptist church in North America stirring up separatism in North Eastern India and Dravidian separatism in South India. It is all of these and more.

So the centrifugal forces are more complex and globalized. But there are also centripetal forces which are opposite which bring the nation together – for instance, development of the corporate kind, infrastructure building, and national governance – these kinds of things. They bring the nation together.

Nation’s Sovereignty and the Role of Civilization

I am interested in what is the role of civilization in preserving a nation’s sovereignty. In other words, can a nation be sovereign very long if it does not have the cohesive shared civilization? Can a random collection of people continue to exist as a nation with all these centrifugal forces unless there is some cohesive sense of identity that can bring them together?

I am also interested in the role of Indian civilization as a positive force in the world. What are its contributions to the world? That is an important area of my work. And finally what are the prospects for India and what are the pre-requisites for India to harvest and harness these prospects.

A civilization briefly defined, as I am going to use it, is a shared identity or the collective images that we have of us as a people, a collective sense of history and shared destiny we have. It brings a deep psychological bond that makes citizens feel that the nation is worth defending. If this bond does not exist, then what is the “we” we are going to defend, that we are going to make sacrifices for? So civilization is that which gives you the sense of ‘We’ – in a positive sense. Breaking the civilization is like breaking the spine of a person. If the social spine is broken then the nation is crippled and also behaves unpredictably.

Cynical Attitudes in India

I come across cynical attitudes in India with this regard. For instance there are people who say that there is no such thing as Indian Civilization. It is a hotch-potch of many things put together and that the British gave us a nation. So there is a debate on whether India is five thousand years old or sixty years old and where you end up on that debate tells a lot about your views on Indian civilization.

There are others who say that if there is an Indian civilization, then it is a bad idea because it is responsible for all our problems. It is what makes us primitive, oppressive and so on. Then there are those who feel that civilization and identity, whatever they might have been, they are obsolete. Because what we have is a flat world like Thomas L. Friedman says and that you are an individual in today’s meritocracy and the concept of identity with groups does not matter. I disagree and I will explain later why.

There is another attitude that differences are a bad idea. Anything that makes you different is potential for trouble. Therefore differences are to be eliminated. I hear this quite a lot here. On the other hand one could say that differences are to be celebrated. That is a world view that Indians have. That is an ancient world view that says differences are inherent in nature. They are an inherent part of the fabric of reality of the Cosmos. Plants, animals, and seasons – everything has differences built in to them.  Differences are built into the way human beings are composed – in their bodies and minds and their cultures and languages. So difference can be celebrated.

If you know how to celebrate differences which I see as the quintessential Indian contribution in civilization, then you do not have the problem which you have when you feel difference has to be eliminated. Because the moment you say difference has to be eliminated, well then how do you do that? Do you change to me, to my way, to eliminate difference? Or do I convert you to be like me so you do not have the anxiety over different?

Do I genocide you because it bothers me because you are different so that I can get rid of you?  Do I enslave you?  All these are things that happen in the name of eradicating difference and to have one world. And we actually face more problems as opposed to learning how to live with difference and celebrate it.

Finally even discussing the topic of an encounter of civilization is often viewed with great suspicion. People think that there is some kind of a conspiracy theory going on or some kind of a negative thing going on and it would be better off if we talk about just how every thing is great and we are singing and dancing and doing Bhangratogether- kind of like a Bollywood ending. People often tell me to make sure to have a Bollywood ending in the talk. But I am not sure I would live up to that.

Escapism

There is also another prevailing attitude which I call escapism. Escapism is this very lofty and apathetic kind of approach moralizing which says things like “There is no other” “We believe in everything. All paths lead to the truth” “We survived for five thousand years and will survive no matter what.” “We have the truth and the mantras and the deities on our side” and “in any case it is all maya / mithya so why bother” But even great spiritualists like Sri Aurobindo wrote aggressively against this mindset as defeatist, other-worldly, world-negating mindset which is not what true spirituality is about. True spirituality is about engaging the world and dealing with the issues.

Then there is another kind of escapism which accepts the problems but does not accept the responsibility and tends to see it as some one else’s problem like saying “USA will do this for us.” If not United States, then it is United Nations. It is like putting us for adoption and I keep saying an elephant is too big to be adopted. You cannot look into today’s world for a guardian parent. You have to look after your selves. That is the message of my today’s talk that looking at all the options, you have to come down and take responsibility in your own hands for India and its civilization. 

“Disruptive forces – Fragments

I want you to recollect Hegde’s 1992 speech “The Rise of Disruptive forces,” in which he lists half a dozen, what he calls, “disruptive forces.” These forces I term as ‘fragments.’ These are identities, these are sub-nations within India that are having a hard time with the rest of the country. Hegde says that these groups for thousands of years did not have any problem with each other or the nation and they were Ok. It was too much interference into their internal affairs which has caused reaction from these groups and so they are becoming disruptive.

As this talk unfolds you will see that how I am actually picking that theme and observe how it has developed over the last sixteen or seventeen years. We will see how these disruptive forces have become fragments and how these fragments have become global movements with India as sort of epicenter for these global movements.

Three Scenarios for India’s Future

I will present three scenarios for India taking into account the global civilizational encounter and India’s internal fragments that are in tension with each other. Scenario A is where I shall spend lot of my time. It is a negative scenario. And this has to be discussed and understood before we can move on.

Scenario A is that India’s fragments get taken over as parts of the West, Pan-Islam and China. Scenario B is that Indian “culture” succeeds globally but Indian nation-state disappears. (“India is not a nation but a culture.”).Scenario C is that India emerges as a thriving nation-state with its own civilization and helps the world.

Scenario A says that India’s fragments, that is, all the disruptive forces will be taken over by others. Some parts will go to the West, some parts may belong to pan-Islamic expansion and some may be taken over by China. So India may actually disintegrate or large parts of it may be taken over by others. This I call “fragmentation and disintegration of India” scenario. And I will talk a fair amount about this.

There are people who say “India is not a nation but a culture.  So why defend it?” We are not a nation, we are a grand new system, they argue. We are an idea. As long as the culture lives, whether the nation lives or not is immaterial, they say. I consider this scenario B as basically short-lived. If scenario B happens, then it will quickly be followed by scenario A . Soon, neither India will exist, nor its culture. This is because once the nation is not there to act as the container, as the vehicle or the vessel which nurtures and protects and projects its unique culture, then the culture sort of scatters and gets eaten up by various other civilizations. Soon that culture will also dissolve. It will become part of various other entities and lose its original self. So if Indian culture has to exist, it is important for the Indian nation to exist.

And then there is scenario C. It is a positive one which says that India emerges as a thriving nation-state with its own civilization and helps the world. Really, A and C are the only two real scenarios. Scenario B is sort of a very graceful and dignified way of ending up in scenario A. It is a way of saying “OK, we loose with honor. We are finished but we won because our culture thrives.” It is like the deer saying, “So what if the tiger eats me up. In the belly of the tiger, I will be alive and you know the tiger runs fast and I will be running fast and I will be part of his DNA and I will nurture him and make him a loving creature from within.”

But it does not work because after the deer has been eaten, the tiger remains a tiger. He is just a stronger tiger. So scenario B is kind of a delusionary kind of attitude that you hear very often, particularly from very spiritual minded people who would say: “What nation?! What do you want to defend? The culture is good. It is doing well. They eat our food and listen to our music and do our Yoga and wear our clothes and watch our Bollywood movies . So it does not matter whether there is India or not but as a culture we will survive.”

Globalization and Civilizational Competition

Globalization intensifies competition among civilizations because of factors such as scarcity of world resources, growth of population and increasing expectations of people, that is, everyone everywhere in the world wants to live the Page 3 American lifestyle though there are not enough resources to sustain this. There will be nine billion people on earth by the middle of this century. There are just not enough resources to make the American Page 3-type lifestyle possible for everyone in the world.

Then there is the collective power of a group identity. Groups worldwide are coalescing. Rather than the group identity weakening and dissolving over time, it is actually the opposite that is happening. Group identities are growing and strengthening. For example, in India vote banks — which are nothing but group identities — are intensifying. And if this is happening in India, why should we think that something similar is not happening in other parts of the world?

Group identities are developing and hardening on a global scale. The phenomenon that we in India call as “vote bank identity politics” is occuring at the civilizational level throughout the world. People feel that if they are able to negotiate and bargain collectively using group identities, they can get a much better deal. This is resulting in an intensified competition worldwide among various civilisational groups.

Top Three Civilizational Competitors 

The West, China and Pan-Islam, each of these three civilisational groups publicly projects its claim of being a superior civilization than others and asserts its plan of total world domination. The West represented by the United States certainly feels that it is the world leader and does not want to give up that claim. China feels that by the middle of this century, it can claim the Number One position in the world in every respect. This is a claim China makes publicly and there is nothing to be embarrassed about it. And, of course, Islam has an age-old doctrinal commitment to world domination.

I realize here that my term ‘West’ is not a simple one and that America and Europe are separate entities. But I am going to continue to use it as my thesis is already complex. I can put five civilizations or eight civilizations instead of three (West, China and pan-Islam) but that will not change the bottom-line as far as India is concerned. So I am using only these three terms. I also realize that Islam is also a complex phenomenon and that there are many factions and types of forces within it. But for my purpose here, just calling it ‘Islam’ suffices.

Now, these top three civilizational groups have the following attributes. Each has collective super ego with common values as well as a chauvinistic grand narrative of history, such as who they are and how great their ancestors were, fully backed up with glorifying ideas and stories about them. Each is committed to achieving global dominance. Each actively nurtures its civilization and projects it via academics, education, media and international policy. This image projection is not something on the fringes of their existence, but is very consciously and deliberately pursued by them. This fact counteracts the Flat World individual meritocracy.

United States has got major projects going on all the time about its sense of history, its founding fathers, its parades, its monuments in Washington, the presidential libraries and great American flags that are seen everywhere – even outside a car dealership or outside a gas station. This generates a sense of shared nationhood and patriotism in Americans that is larger than life. And this trend is not going away. Instead, it is getting stronger by the day. All of this counteracts the idea of the flat world where one thinks “only my merit counts for me to succeed in this world” and so on.

Success Factors for Competing Civilizations

Now here I have taken a grid. I have put the three civilizations I have been talking about in this study. And I am looking at what are the success factors. I already talked about historical identity and a sense of manifest destiny. But also modern institutions are important as a source of strength. This grid I use in workshops with westerners with Chinese people with Islamic and try to figure out their ideas of who is where on this grid.

Success Factors West China Islam
Historical Identity and Manifest destiny
Modern Institutions
Financial Capital
Political/Military Capital
Intellectual Capital

Now modern institutions have three forms of capital: there is financial capital; there is political/military capital and there is intellectual capital. Now we have a Varna system which can also be seen as a form of capital. In fact, that is how I see it and not as caste or privilege of birth and all that. Varnas are forms of capital. Financial capital is Vaishya and Kshatriyas are political/military capital. So laws, courts, Supreme Court, international treaties, United Nations – not just military but all governance thus becomes Kshatriya capital.  Nations and civilizations need that.

Then there is intellectual capital – the knowledge, the know-how that is the Brahminical capital. So one could also say is that the job of the modern institutions in a civilization is to enhance its Vaishya capital, its Kshatriya capital and its Brahminical capital. This is a different perspective than the caste perspective.

China

Now if you look at China, they have a very explicitly stated plan and a definite mission to be the world leaders by the middle of this century in economic, military and civilizational terms. They have constructed a grand narrative of China which is formulated and projected with great force. It deals with how the Chinese civilisation began developing five thousand years ago on the bedrock of Confucianism, what is the great China story and how the Chinese became modern and how they are now moving on confidently to the future.

This is a very seamless and continuous story that the Chinese have constructed about themselves. This is what they are teaching their people and projecting to others. The Chinese government is doing a major promotion of Chinese positive history worldwide. The Chinese story has none of this undercurrent of shame and guilt that afflicts the Indians, with self-demeaning arguments such as “We are ashamed or we are guilty that we have abused people in the past, we are sorry for ourselves, we shall apologize for Indian civilization and for our existence to everyone who has taken offense.” The Chinese have none of this in the story of their civilisation that they have formulated for themselves.

A comparison of course curriculum of Chinese studies and Indian studies in the Harvard University is like comparing night and day. If you look at the topics of public talk on China, the available courses on Chinese civilisation and dissertations on China and contrast these with the Indian studies, it will reveal to you how China is projecting itself very positively in the world while India is not. The Chinese have established hundreds of Confucian study chairs worldwide. They have done this with the help of the Chinese government and their private sector and entrepreneurs. China Institutes exist in San Francisco, New York and many other places in the US.

The Chinese insist that they have their own strain of modernization which is different from Westernization. They assert that their youths are modernizing rapidly but they have their own approach to modernity which is uniquely Chinese. This approach rejects the notion that to modernise the Chinese youths have to mimic the West. The Chinese modernize using all consumables and modern technological marvels, but they make sure that there is a quintessentially Chinese philosophical and civilizational ethos behind their modernity.

In India, on the other hand, we often hear the debate if Indians should remain traditional or become modern. This argument implies that modernity and tradition are opposites that cannot be reconciled and if we have to become modern, we have to essentially become Westernized. This means that we are incapable of becoming modern in the Indian context.

Unlike the Chinese, we Indians lack a civilizational approach to modernity that is uniquely Indian. An Indian approach to modernity is considered an oxymoron in India, but the Chinese openly assert that they have their own version of modernity built around the essence of Chinese civilisation. They see no problem in being modern and Chinese at the same time. But Indians keep confusing modernity with Westernisation and abandonment of indigenous Indian traditions.

Pan-Islam

Pan-Islam has a theological grand narrative from God. China does not claim that their grand narrative is from God. It is something the Chinese have built up over time. But Islamic grand narrative is claimed to come directly from God which gives Muslims an identity, meaning and direction. Islam has a sacred geography. So, for example, the Kaba is sacred for Muslims and they cannot face any other direction such as the local Jama Masjid to pray. The sacred geography of Islam is unique.

Islam also has a literalist account of history. “Literalist” means it is not metaphorical and thus cannot be reinterpreted for modern times. All events of Mohammad’s life are considered actual historic events. You cannot mess with them. When God Himself is one of the protagonists in a historical event, you better not try to update what He might have said. You cannot amend such history because God Himself has spoken. It is literal history.

In addition, Islam has a pre-ordained trajectory into the future.  Not only the past historical events of Islam are fixed, its future is also divinely pre-ordained and all Muslims have to live in a way to achieve that vision. Islam thus has a scenario of “us” versus “them” – Dar-ul-Islam (us) versus Dar-ul-Harb (them). But Islam is not just one monolithic or doctrinal entity. There are cultural variations in Islam. There are at least four.  There is the Arab version and then there is the Persian version which is very different – their language is different and their history and links with Islam are very different.

There is also the Indic or South Asian version of Islam which is very eclectic and the most liberal of them all. It would probably be a very important asset for Indian civilization if it manages to harmonize with this version of Islam because it is a highly exportable model. Rest of the world has to learn how to live with Islam and India has the longest experience of doing that. Indian Islam is different than the type of Islam found elsewhere. Hopefully it can remain like that and not get taken over by the Saudi (Arab) version of Islam and similar forces.

Then there is the Western version of Islam which exists in Europe and US. People who are Islamic in the West have a whole new political and social value system. Finally, there are fringe movements in Islam to liberalize it but these remain just that — fringe movements. They do not have the center of power.

Islam is today poised where Christianity was when its reformation started. And once the reformation movement began in Europe, it took 200 years of fighting before the reformation could be firmly established and the Church-State separation could occur. The Christian Church no longer has Fatwa-like powers which it used to enjoy at one point in time. So Christians have a reference point to understand Islam because Islam is sort of pre-reformation Christianity in terms of where it stands today.

Civilizational Encounter Between US and India

Now I am going to focus on United States to give you the worst case scenario of how a foreign civilization can come and intervene in India. I do not do this because I have a problem with the United States. I have lived there. I love it and think that it is India’s best ally in terms of another civilization. I do this because I think Indians must understand the propensity of America.  America does not have just one point of view. It has no stable point of view either – it keeps shifting, just like in the case of India where we have many points of view on a complex issue and the views shift over time.

The scenario I am going to develop also applies to Islam, China and other civilizations but I focus on United States because I have lived there for thirty-forty years. I know the US very well and have studied its history for the last ten years in a very systematic manner. Therefore I can talk about the US with better confidence. But the scenario I am going to outline for the US also applies to other civilizations in terms of intervention into India.

USA has some very positive things going on about India. Let us start with that. There is business success. I am also product of that business success of US. America’s gifts to Indian youth both for higher education and career opportunities are very well known. America has a love affair with Indian pop culture. That is also very encouraging. And India is America’s friend after 9/11. These are some of the positive things you can list.

USA’s Civilizational Threat Psychosis

However, America’s outlook is far more complex and unstable, and this is where I am going to develop my scenario. Before we start talking about India, we have to understand that America has its own problems with China as well as Islam. America has a dual psychosis in terms of civilizational threats that it perceives from these two.

I start with the left hand side of the chart and then go to right hand side. In the left hand side, there is a clash between US and China which I call the ‘clash of modernities.’  It is a clash of modernities because China is saying to the US that we are going to compete with you on modernity. The competition between China and US is based not on religion or ideology but on modernity, industrial economy, military, political power, consumerism and materialism. China says, “We are going to become more American than America itself!” And this assertion of China is what is eating America at the very core of its modern industrial society.

I call this a “Father-Son clash” because China’s industry has been sort of produced or exported by United States.  It was US that has been sending capital to China from the Nixon-Kissinger era.  The Americans sent the industries, the technology, and the machines, and they bought the finished goods. So the US actually transplanted its entire industrial complex and shifted it off to Pacific Ocean and China. Now the son (that is China) is saying to the US: “Thank you Dad. I learnt this from you. You gifted it to me. I have improved upon it. Now I can do better than you. And guess what. I am actually going to take you over. I am now better at this modernity than you are.” So there is a Father-Son clash over modernity going on between US and China. That is one of the two psychoses of United States.

The other psychosis which I have depicted in the right hand side is the clash of fundamentalisms. Islam is not looking for modernity. Muslims are not clashing with America because they have better machines and factories or they export more consumer goods than the US. They are not worried about that. Muslims are competing against fundamentalist Christianity and its rival claims over historical prophets each of whom claim finality. Christianity and Islam, each is claiming that it has got God’s franchise – in fact the exclusive franchise — and other franchise are bogus and hence not valid. Both say they have the franchise from Goa to take over the world.

This fundamentalism versus fundamentalism between American Christianity and Islam is also a ‘Father-Son Clash’ in the sense that Islam is an offspring of the lineage of Judaeo-Christian prophets. It is interesting that Islam as an offspring or sequel to Christianity is now taking on its own father. Islam says: “We respect Jesus and the prior prophets. What they say is true and we should respect them. But our prophet is more recent and supersedes.” It is like a lawyer saying that, “the contract you have is valid, but I have a more recent version. And the more recent version supersedes the older version. Not that your version is wrong but my version is better because it’s newer.” This is also the son taking on the father on the father’s own terms.

Now you can see that United States has got a problem because it considers itself as consisting of Christian ethos as also a very modern enlightened secular ethos. But both these are threatened by the two offspring or two civilizations which ironically America has created and gifted them the tools in a metaphorical sense.

Challenged America Hedging its Bets on India

How does all of this play into India? With the Chinese threat on one side and the Islamic threat on the other, a challenged America has developed a schizophrenic attitude towards India. This is what I will explain to you. United States is hedging its bets on India. That is why it is impossible to characterize America one way or the other with respect to India on a long-term basis.

I am going to go through the left hand side of the slide first which is the move to build up India. The right hand side of the slide says “Fragment India.” America has thus two opposing views on India. The “build up India” voices in American think tanks and policy institutes are saying, let us invest in India financial capital market and labor, let us have military alliances, let us have regional political alliances with India. And the benefit to US is that such alliances will counter China’s hegemony and contain Islamic threat. This will be good for US corporate interests and India will be a stabilizing force in the third world.

But there is also a caution at the bottom that says that if this happens and India becomes too successful then in the long term America will have another China-like threat. This scenario says: “One China is bad enough for the US. What if another brilliant people became another kind of China and are as successful in competing wth United States? Then America will have to worry about not one but two China-like threats.” So while there is a voice in American policy making circles that says let us build up India, there is also a voice that is concerned that India may get out of hand and become too strong. Therefore let us come to the right hand side of the slide that says” Let us fragment India.”

The “Fragment India” voice is a much older one than the “Build up India” voice. The “Build up India” voice is more of a corporate and political voice that has emerged only over the last ten years. But the “fragmentation of India” voice has been there since the cold war. In the fifties and sixties, United States had the attitude of divide and rule with respect to India. They built up the Dravidian movement, Annadurai was built up and all kinds of movements were built up to fragment India and play one group against the other. When Nehru was pro-Soviet, then the United States used the Dravidian movement to counteract Nehru’s programme of unifying India. So the fragmentation of India is a very old policy of the US. And it says, exploit dalits vs. the Brahmins, Dravidians vs. the so-called Aryans, women vs.  men and minorities vs. the Hindus.

The benefits to the proponents of this voice are that United States will avoid China-like competition from India. With this approach, America can still outsource and use Indian workers. It can get a whole lot of cheap labourers from India but they will never get out of hand, they will never be too strong and they will never rebel against the US. America can still use the Indian workers on its own terms and keep them weak.

This “fragment India” approach will also accelerate evangelism in the subcontinent because when the state is weak, the evangelists can have clear paths and there will be less resistance to what they are trying to do. And think what a great market for weapons exporters will emerge in a fragmented India! Imagine if the army of Gujarat wants to buy tanks and the army of Maharashtra wants to buy anti-tank missiles. What a great thing this will be for American arms merchants! Their stocks will go up if there is a disruption in India. If the disruptive forces of Hegde would become outright civil war, that would be good news indeed for weapons exporters.

Now the United States is also very concerned if this fragmentation of India happens. It is good to talk about it but if it actually materializes then it is worst nightmare for United States to have anarchy or chaos in India. with India many times the size of Iraq or Afghanistan or Pakistan it would be the worst nightmare for United States if there is fragmentation of India.

US Interventions in India

So I call this the Mother-in-law syndrome. Do I want the couple to be united and happy or do I want them to fall apart? If they are too united, they will not listen to me. I don’t have a voice. I do not have the power. So I have to go and meddle around and play one against the other and create some friction. But then if that gets to the point they would divorce and go apart , then again I am in trouble. So I kind of play between these two poles and do not want either pole to happen too much. So United States’ policy towards India keeps vacillating between these two poles of “Build up India” and “Fragment India” And you cannot expect a long term stability in the way.

I have also been studying for the past decade various US interventions in India. And this is a very significant chart. At the top is the United States – Academy, Government, Church, Funding agencies – how they work together and fund the money with US ideology in training, leadership training, all kinds of things to be done in India and India receives that through the academy, funding agencies, church subsidiaries, NGOs and so on.  This is a kind of asymmetry because India does not do this up in the other direction.

Deconstructing India

And the way India is deconstructed, is shown here. This is how the “Fragment India” tank of the US looks at India: they look through both the secular lenses shown in the left and the Biblical lenses in the right and in between are the problems they study.
So the first building blocks to study are the castes, minorities and women. They keep showing that they have problems; they are oppressed and the civilization is bad. This feeds into a negative approach to Hinduism. And the negative approach to Hinduism feeds a negative approach to Indian civilization. Finally at the top there is a group of scholars who look at why India is not a valid nation-state; what is wrong with it and what are the human rights problems and other kinds of problems. So this is the kind of deconstruction of India template, if you will, which is quite commonly found in South Asian studies.

By the way I have looked at the last thirty two years of conferences on South Asia which is held at Madison every year. I got all the proceedings and abstracts. They were surprised that somebody wanted to buy all of them. It portrays India as an anti-progressive country, frozen in time, poverty-causing like a patient with caste, Sati, dowry, feticide, untouchability etc with West as the doctor. Further India is mystical and the West is rational. Whenever I hear this very common statement in United States, I say “Look. The chances are that your doctor is Indian. He is not irrational or with some mystical background. And the chances are that the lot of technology you are using is Indian and it is not created by a bunch of mystical people but by pretty rational people. So why do you keep thinking that way? It is just one of the old stereotypes that have not gone away.”

Invasion Theory of India

Then there is this idea that everything good about India was imported into India. The so-called Aryans brought Sanskrit. The Greeks brought philosophy and rational thought; Hinduism was a colonial construction; Indian culture was started by the Mughals and British gave Indians a nation and cricket and now we have to import our human rights from America. So everything we need we should import.

And I call this the invasion theory of India which means if we want something we should select who is the best invader who will give that to us. So we do not have any selfhood or we do not have any civilization we need to be invaded to have something of value. And this means that we are doomed to dependency also.

Afro-Dalit Project

Now what caught me started on this course of understanding America’s intervention with India’s break up was a very interesting meeting I had with a scholar in Princeton University. We were just sitting and having lunch and he has just come back from India and I said “What did you do in India?” And he said “Oh I went there as part of the Afro-Dalit project” So I asked him what is this Afro Dalit project. So he said, “Oh we go to India we do youth empowerment and training programmes” I said “It is very interesting. Can you tell me what it is? Who are the Dalits?” And he said “Well. … They are Africans. They are the blacks of India and the non-Dalits are the whites of India. And this is the black-white history of India which is mirroring the black white history of America. And the Afro-Dalit project is to educate our Dalit brothers.” This was amazing to me. And my whole thesis started when I started searching on Afro-Dalit project.

And there is a whole library of what they are up to and who funds them. And they are very much active in Tamil Nadu building up a whole network of youth empowerment and youth training to give them a contrary sense of history that they are historically a kind of oppressed people and non-religious and so on. The Church has a vested interest in it because if you can dislocate their identity from the rest of India then you can re-programme them and give them a new religion and so on. This is called Dalitstan project.

So I was invited to this scholar’s office. And I saw this map. This is the map of the Dalitstan that was hanging there. On the northern part is Mughalstan which is from Afghanistan, Pakistan and all the way to Bangladesh. This turns out to be what Mullah Omar says when he states that he wants to put the flag of Taliban on the red fort of Delhi and recreate the Mughal Empire. And the southern part of India is Dalitstan and Dravidstan. So these guys are working on it.

So I was very much amazed that nobody is talking about it. Nobody seems to have noticed. Yet these guys have an open project. If you just Google Afro-Dalit you will come across a lot of hits and you yourself can see that.  Then I started getting deeper into it and found that there is merit in the thesis that says that the local minorities are being appropriated by global nexuses. Afro-Dalit Project is just one example.

“Disruptive Forces” – Frontier India

So Hegde’s “Disruptive forces” of 1992 have turned into Frontier India mindset where the following wild things are happening. Local minority is co-opted as a branch office of some Global Nexus; many minorities are apart of some global majority and are used for trans-national agendas; third world intellectual franchises are set up to deconstruct their own nation.

It is very interesting that America’s very own sense of nation is becoming stronger and stronger and also the nation of China, the nation of Russia and the nation of Japan are becoming stronger and they are not deconstructing. They are not going out of style. And the European Union is becoming a strong super nation. But somehow the intellectual fashion of the day that is being exported to Indian intellectuals and third world intellectuals is that please go back to your country and deconstruct yourselves. We have to ask them to first do that to themselves.

Now you may say that there is a lot of post-modernism in American campuses and they are doing it to them also. But they are doing it from the fringes. The people who are doing it do not have clout. Nobody takes them seriously. The media does not quote these kind of people. They are not policy makers. They do not influence think-tanks. They just are cocoon in the academy and doing some deconstruction of America but the powers to be are very patriotic and the nation state is as strong as ever.

Minorities as Part of Global Majorities

So this also led me to question the definition of minority. And I want to leave this provocation with you.

If you are at the Macdonald’s in Delhi and you have local establishment with twenty employees you would not say that this is a minority institution. You would say that it is part of global empire. It is part of a huge global multi-national. Some one may say that all these twenties are from minority classes in India. You will still not be convinced because as individuals working there may be minorities in their personal capacity. But the institution they are working for is a branch office of a large multinational and not a minority.

Now why don’t you not apply the same thing to the Southern Baptist Church or Baptist Church which is a huge multinational which has set up a big network of churches in Nagaland and Tamil Nadu and they have a plan of twenty thousand churches in South India. So why do you call them minorities and not call them branch offices or subsidiaries of global multinationals? Why is it that if the product being sold is God’s love then all of a sudden the rules of the multinational do not apply? Because it is God’s love, God’s love is exempt from scrutiny and transparency.

I would submit to you that the definition of minority has to be modulated and if a minority is working for or funded by appointed by trained by a foreign global nexus, then it is not really a minority. It is part of a bigger enterprise. And that enterprise should be studied rather than these isolated twenty thirty people in a place whom we call minority. So I even provoke you to rethink the definition of minority itself in this age of globalization.

Positive India Narrative

Now there is a new positive India narrative in the US Business schools. this is the response we like to hear. Finally India’s time has come because I have lived there for last thirty eight years and only in the last seven years this voice has started. Otherwise there is always there is only the kind of discourse that I have stated earlier.

Now there is positive focus on investment, markets, labor force and all that. So what we have are two competing discourses. There is a positive discourse which says “Build up India” and this is primarily in business schools. So when my friends want to donate something for the study of India or South Asia, I always tell them to give it to the business schools and not to South Asian studies because South Asian studies are built on fragmentation of India -”Why India is a problem” kind of thesis built upon the old humanities or social sciences.

And now the irony is that both these views are also encased in India. In India also you have the technocrats, industrialists those kind of people who believe in a positive sense of India. Then you also have people in social sciences (and a lot of social science views are actually imported) in India who do not have faith in India as a nation. So you have both voices within India also.

Hypothetical Situation for US Intervention in India

Now I come to a more troubling part of my thesis.

I am going to give you hypothetical scenario for US intervention in India. Suppose South Asia becomes the epicenter of USA vs. Islam which can happen. Suppose the Taliban takes over nuclearized Pakistan. Ten years ago I wrote a paper on such a scenario but did not publish it because I thought it was sensational but today it is a possibility. What can happen is Taliban takes over ISI and ISI takes over the Pakistan army indirectly and we all know that Pakistan army runs Pakistan.

So Pakistan could have a democratically elected government which can act as a nice front for PRO purposes but really they do not have the power and they do not call the shots. It is even worse than having Musharaff. Because at least there it was transparent as you were dealing with an army. But here Pakistan can fool one to think that they are dealing with some group of importance while really that group does not have any power.

Let us say under such scenario Taliban takes over Pakistan and thus is now nuclearized Taliban. Now let us say US is fighting and years go on and the causalities build up and US faces economic pressures at home and another election is coming. So this fight turns into Obama’s Iraq. This fight with Talibanized nuclear Pakistan becomes Obama’s liability and US is desperate to exit but exit with honor.

So Obama or the future president has to figure out a way for exiting. So when the US exits, after having flared it up, then it has become a mess that somebody is going to encounter and guess who is going to bear that brunt of it? that will be India. I will also surmise in this hypothesis that Taliban will then have their vision of setting up that Mughalstan. They will see that they have enough disruptive forces sitting in India which can be incited by them and then they can get going with a huge revolution. Now that US has gone they can take over. Number Two. United States may also have another kind of intervention in India which is to safeguard Christians being persecuted. Some of you may think this is far fetched.

But when I started to research on this I saw a Wall street journal front page article two or three years ago titled US evangelists driving foreign policy intervention. It is a very long article that showed a hundred years history of evangelicals not only driving domestic policies like abortion and gay and nowadays on stem cell research very successfully but also very strong on foreign policy. And all foreign policy they want is that the United States should intervene wherever there is a pocket of Christians who consider themselves to be under threat. Once the United States agrees that that is the policy then they go and create some trouble and use that to bring United States intervention in there.

Now the dossier of such cases of persecution of Christians in India is growing and it is a huge dossier in United States and there are regular hearings in Washington for which they invite those Indians who complain and there is a long line of such people who are granted Visa and travels grants to go and give testimony in the US congress. Also there are well organized networks in India which have been funded by these entities to provoke trouble, to monitor persecution and then go over to report and lobby in Washington. This is all over the US media. So United States may decide “Ok Taliban has got North India. We can go and intervene here and there and get some Christianized pockets in South India. We have built our own base there and we have built a network of support.”  So this is the worst case scenario.

Now similar analysis also applies to Islam and China intervening, as each of them has stakes in India and ambitions in India. One can do scenarios like what if China and Pakistan jointly take military action. China would love to have Arunachal Pradesh because of the water -the Brahmaputra river water which can then be taken to Tibet. China would love to take Nepal because most of the water that comes to Ganga comes from Nepal and filters down to India. So this fight over water makes this geography very strategic and China would love to have all these. So you could build four scenarios of type A which shows how globalization brings civilizational threats to India.

What India can Contribute to the World?

Now I shall go to part- II. Now I want you to set aside the disturbing scenario I have explained. Now let us see what is positive that India can offer to the world -how India could be a successful civilization and do positive things.

So to start with what are the problems the world faces where India can offer a solution? I will list just three. One is that development- the cycle of economic development is not sustainable or scalable. It is not ecologically possible to have development of such large number of people and achieve the per capita consumption of the western standard and also you cannot scale to the whole world. Then the Abrahamic civilizations are based on exclusivity and a mandate to take over the world and that is not going to sustain peaceful environment. Finally the human rights laws that exist protect the individual but not cultures. There is no law broken if the language is made extinct or if your culture or your rituals are gone. If you as an individual are not violated then the culture as an entity does not have a status. Only the individual has a status.

So I will not go through this in detail because that will be a whole presentation by itself on what are some of the contributions that Indian civilization can make. There is a large reservoir of know-how of consciousness development, enhancement – what is called mind-sciences, intuition, creativity which is now at the cutting edge of western research in cognitive sciences, neuro-sciences, psychology and this is an asset that India has which is actually being acknowledged by the scientific community. So India brings a lot in this dimension.

There is a whole worked out system in Indian society on ecological sustainability starting with being content with less consumerism. The whole Ashrama model where you divide life into four stages has you as a consumerist in the second stage as householder (Gruhasth). But in the stages before and after that you learn life to be happy without much consumerism. These are social models which may be of application to world order where you cannot expect every body to live hundred years old and be a consumerist from zero to hundred at the American level.

Then there is the concept of groups that are de-centralized and self-organized without a state or a very centralized government or authoritarian government running the show. This is a very old Indian social organization that is highly de-centralized and the groups do not need some one else to give them laws and commandments as they are very well self-organized. There is the banyan tree metaphor which is sometimes used to describe this kind of society that is not one trunk or one system but lots of it together. And all of this results in pluralism, dignified aging and decentralized social security.  In India we have dignified aging because you do not end up in old age home. But today because of modernity you do. Old age homes have been started here because of the tendency to westernize. But the tradition has a dignified aging.

And there is kind of social security from one’s own community. Jaathi was social security network. But now we break families now and we break Jaathi structure and make it into caste. Now who is going to give you old age security? State does not have the money. Even in United States, the social security is going broke. So I do not think any country like India can provide such social security. So these are some ideas regarding Indian civilizational contribution.

Civilizational archetypes: Yogi vs. Gladiator

Now I want to introduce two archetypes. I call them the Yogi archetype and the Gladiator archetype. These are archetypes for civilizations. The Yogi archetype is illustrated by Emperor Asoka, who was a gladiator, a fierce warrior who surrenders to Yoga; In the case of Emperor Constantine the opposite happens.  Constantine is a Gladiator who has a Jesus experience or Christ experience. But rather than surrendering his Gladiator nature and becoming a Yogi through the spirit of Christ he actually captures Christ and turns him into a weapon for imperialism. He takes the vision of the cross and he says in the cross he is wielding a sword for conquest. Next day he goes to the battle with this idea and wins and makes Christianity a weapon. So in the case of Roman appropriation of Christianity, the gladiator takes over Yoga, whereas in the case of Asoka, Gladiator surrenders to the Yoga. These are then the two different systems.

Yogi’s Dilemma

So at the base of this I have Yogi’s dilemma when facing the aggression of a Gladiator. So this is the question I ask those who are very spiritually inclined people. Imagine you are a Yogi and a Gladiator comes to you and says I am going to kill you and you cannot change his mind and you cannot run away. The question is what do you do? One option is that you do not fight and he kills you. That is one option you have. The second option is you become a Gladiator and fight him.  You would beat him. But you are no longer a Yogi because now you become the Gladiator. You turn into a Gladiator and fight the Gladiator. So you are no longer the Yogi. So the dilemma is either way you are not a Yogi. So what do you do?

Indian civilization has to solve this dilemma. And we will see two ways. One is Mahatma Gandhi’s and the other is Bhagavat Gita: non-violent and violent. You remain the Yogi within but you fight the Gladiator. We will come to that. Let us keep this as an idea. So this is the dilemma that Indian Civilization – the Yogi’s Dilemma. Earlier I mentioned there is a scenario B that I will just quickly get rid of and then we will go to scenario C.

Scenario B is somebody saying Indian culture will win but the nation will be gone. And who cares. The nation is gone but we don’t care as the culture shall win. That is scenario B. So the Yogi lets the Gladiator take over. But he does this with a glorifying mindset saying that “I will be gone, I will be dead but the Yoga will win because the Gladiator is doing the Pranayama. Even though he is finishing me off the Yoga will live through the Gladiator” But in reality that does not happen. With Pranayama the Gladiator becomes a tougher Gladiator. For example they are using Yoga Nidra for US troops in Iraq, not to turn them into Yogis but better fighter. So scenario B is actually a graceful, dignified respectful way of ending up in Scenario A. Therefore I will dispose it off.

Now let us talk about Scenario C which is where I want to conclude my talk.

Scenario C is where Indian civilization survives; India survives as a nation and has something to offer to the world. Here there are two possibilities. One is that India solves the Yogi’s dilemma and the second is that India does not solve the Yogi’s dilemma and becomes a Gladiator in order to survive. In the first possibility India solves the Yogi’s dilemma through Gandhi’s Satyagraha as a model against the Gladiator and there is Gita’s war against the Gladiator. In both cases it is very difficult thing to do and the idea is there. But I am not sure if we as Indians are very for it because of the self discipline and sacrifice it takes is incredible. What it says is that be a Yogi inside and be very tough outside. So don’t let them walk over you and don’t let them take over you; you must fight them to win but do not turn that into hatred.

You carry out your Dharma in the Kurushetra and that means you have to fight. But you do not turn into their mindset and their mentality. This is a very difficult thing and this is not something I can discuss in two minutes. But this is a topic that is a very central theme for the survival of India as a civilization. The obstacles to this are, India lacks the hard power in terms for economics, governance, military, geopolitics etc. India also has a clash of soft power generally because its own discourse is colonized. The minute you talk about civilization they will ask “which civilization” and they will try to break you up into many camps to fight.

Then there is the internal clash of nation vs. its fragments similar to a transplanted organ which is facing rejection by body’s immune system. When you have a transplanted organ the body’s immune system rejects it and you have to lower the immune system for internal harmony. So when you lower your immunity to create harmony inside you become vulnerable to infections from outside So it comes to saying do not have national security or defense in India, Don’t have anti-terror law in India because this will affect the harmony with minorities. But then you become vulnerable to external forces and threats. So this is the dilemma or rather internal clash that India faces.

And the final obstacle India faces is its loftiness, apathy of the world, other-worldliness etc, which we have seen before.

I have said three things.  There is a global reality of three major civilizations at peace and war. And their competition will intensify for self-interest. We can wish otherwise but this is the reality. India is a major playground and battle ground for these global forces. The reality of India is that there is internal fragmentation which is worsening and the disruptive forces that Hegde talked about have worsened. These are supported by cycle of vote banks, quotas and bribes. Minorities are becoming branch offices for global nexuses and are receiving funding and ideological and political support. These are the centrifugal forces threatening India’s future.

As far the future for India, I see that presently India lacks the civilizational Conesus and power necessary to survive as a nation-state in a dangerous world. India itself will disintegrate and its parts assimilated into others while India’s culture will flourish as their.  Or if India’s civilizational foundation can be secured, then it could be a key solution provider to world problems.

Published: March 16, 2009

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राजीव मल्होत्रा का कॉलम:एआई टेक्नोलॉजी हमारे मन को मैनेज क्यों कर रही हैं?

राजीव मल्होत्रा का कॉलम:एआई टेक्नोलॉजी हमारे मन को मैनेज क्यों कर रही हैं?

व्यक्तियों की भावनाओं को बदलने के लिए निजी अनुभवों को टेक्नोलॉजी निर्मित करने लगी है। मनुष्यों की कमजोरियों और संवेदनशीलता पर सक्रिय शोध चल रहा है। जब स्क्रीन पर कोई पॉप-अप प्रकट होता है, तो मशीन-लर्निंग प्रणाली इसे ट्रैक करती है कि कौन-से संदेशों को उपयोगकर्ताओं द्वारा देखे जाने की अधिक संभावना है। जो प्रतिक्रियाएं आती हैं उन्हें रिकॉर्ड किया जाता है और डेटाबेस में एकत्रित किया जाता है। एआई प्रणालियां इनका उपयोग करके प्रत्येक व्यक्ति के मनोविज्ञान का नक्शा तैयार करती हैं।

उदाहरण के लिए उपयोगकर्ता द्वारा अभी हाल में खोजे गए उत्पाद के विज्ञापन दिखाने पर, उसका ध्यान उस विज्ञापन की ओर जाने की कितनी संभावना है? या किसी विशिष्ट राजनीतिक षड्यंत्र की चर्चा या चिंताजनक घटना के समाचार द्वारा उसका ध्यान आकर्षित करना कितना संभव है?

एआई मॉडल ये भी भलीभांति जानते हैं कि कोई व्यक्ति खुशामद से कितना प्रभावित होता है या फिर उसे उसके अहंकार को तुष्ट करने वाली तकनीकों के झांसे में कितनी आसानी से फंसाया जा सकता है। साथ ही ये मशीनें ये जानने में भी माहिर होती हैं कि व्यक्ति के नीरस जीवन को किस तरह के मनोरंजनात्मक डिस्ट्रैक्शन से रोचक बनाएं।

करोड़ों लोगों की भावनाओं, पसंदों, अरुचियों, प्राथमिकताओं और कमजोरियों का मानचित्रीकरण बड़े ही वैज्ञानिक तरीके से हो रहा है। उनकी गतिविधियों को अनेक रूपों में रिकॉर्ड किया जा रहा है। उदाहरण के लिए आवाज, अक्षर, छवियां, हस्तलेखन, बायोमेट्रिक्स, खरीदारी से संबंधित व्यवहार, परस्पर वार्तालाप, यात्रा के विकल्प और मनोरंजन से संबंधित पसंदें। मशीनें न केवल निजी जानकारी को पकड़ने में कुशल हो गई हैं, बल्कि मानव गतिविधियों में निहित प्रयोजनों को भी वे अच्छी तरह से समझने लगी हैं।

एआई अनुसंधानकर्ता अब व्यक्तियों के इन मॉडलों के अलावा समुदायों और संस्कृतियों की भी मॉडलिंग कर रहे हैं। यह डेटा ऐसी मनोवैज्ञानिक प्रोफाइलें विकसित करने में मदद करता है, जिनका उपयोग मानव-समूहों में हेर-फेर करने या विशिष्ट आदतों और रुझान रखने वाले समूहों को प्रभावित करने के लिए हो सकता है।

उदाहरण के लिए, ऐसी प्रणालियां इसकी व्याख्या कर सकती हैं और समझ सकती हैं कि कैसे उइगर चीनी अन्य चीनियों के मुकाबले भावनात्मक स्तर पर भिन्न हैं। एआई समूहों के विशिष्ट मनोवैज्ञानिक और भावनात्मक नक्शों को निश्चित कर सकती है, चाहे वे अमेरिका के एफ्रो हों या गोरे। वे अमेरिका में रह रहे पंजाबी, दिल्ली के जामिया मिलिया विश्वविद्यालय के छात्र, पश्चिम बंगाल के वामपंथी उपद्रवकारी या कोई भी ऐसा दूसरा मानव-समूह हों, जिसकी आप कल्पना कर सकते हैं।

इन मनोवैज्ञानिक प्रोफाइलों के उपयोग से सोशल मीडिया को एक हथियार के रूप में बदला जा सकता है। एक ऐसा हथियार, जिससे किसी भी व्यक्ति की निजी भावनाओं में बदलाव किया जा सकता है। इसके लाभार्थी स्वयं वह सोशल मीडिया मंच हो सकता है, जैसे- फेसबुक और गूगल या फिर उनके ग्राहक, प्रतिस्पर्धी, राजनीतिक उम्मीदवार या कोई भी अन्य व्यक्ति, जो किसी लक्षित समूह को प्रभावित करना चाहता है।

इस तरह के निजी मनोवैज्ञानिक मॉडल, उन्हें प्राप्त होने वाले फीडबैक से निरंतर सीखते जाते हैं और अधिक चतुर होते जाते हैं। कृत्रिम वास्तविकता से जुड़ी कई प्रकार की प्रणालियां इस समय विकसित की जा रही हैं : वीआर (वर्चुअल रियलिटी), जो आभासी परिवेश देती हैं; और एआर (ऑगमेंटेड रियलिटी) जो भौतिक परिवेश को अधिक रोचक बनाने के लिए उसे मॉडिफाई करती हैं।

आज करोड़ों लोगों की भावनाओं, पसंदों, अरुचियों, प्राथमिकताओं और कमजोरियों का मानचित्रीकरण बड़े ही वैज्ञानिक तरीके से हो रहा है। उनकी गतिविधियों को रिकॉर्ड किया जा रहा है। यह सब डेटा आखि​र किसके काम आएगा?

इनका लक्ष्य व्यक्ति की पहले से ही जान ली गई जरूरतों के अनुसार अनुभवों को निजी बनाना है। प्रारंभ में यह टेक्नोलॉजी वियरेबल उपकरणों से अनुभवों को मनपसंद बनाएंगी। बाद में शरीर में लगाए जाने वाले इम्प्लांट्स उनका स्थान ले सकते हैं। 

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Vedic Framework and Modern Science

Rajiv Malhotra explains how to fit modern science into the Vedic framework.

 

A common desire among Hindus today is to see their Vedic tradition through the lens of modern science. There are good reasons for doing this. After all, modern science has accomplished so much and given us many gifts, thus attaining the status of being the gold standard of truth. Therefore, according to most persons, the legitimacy and worthiness of any body of knowledge should be determined by the extent to which it is in conformity with modern science.

 

I support this aspiration, but with some important caveats and qualifiers. Unfortunately, I do not see most scholars of what is being called ‘Vedic science’ appreciating these qualifiers. Hence, I wish to first explain some characteristics of Vedic knowledge, and then discuss the issue of how this knowledge relates to modern science. Let me start with what I do not wish for: I do not wish to have Vedic knowledge become digested into modern science. On the other hand, I actually want that the process be the opposite: I wish to fit modern science into the Vedic framework.

 

Vedic knowledge has two broad aspects: shruti and smriti. Shruti is that which is eternal, with no beginning or end. It is the absolute truth unfiltered by the human mind or context. Smriti, on the other hand, is knowledge as cognized by human conditioning. All modern science is smriti. This is the key insight I wish to offer and elaborate upon. Once we understand this and figure out its implications, we can easily see how modern science fits into the Vedic framework as a new type of smriti.

 

Because shruti transcends human conditioning, it is only available to the level of consciousness I have called the ‘rishi state’ in my book, Being Different. This is a state potentially available to every human being, and the various paths to achieving this are available in the Vedic system of knowledge and practices.

 

Everything that humans in the ordinary state develop, interpret and transmit is conditioned by the filters programmed into our minds; and hence it is smriti. Science is the understanding of reality based on human senses and reasoning, and hence is limited by these. All accounts of history are smriti. All political ideologies, including the constitutions of nations and the various laws of society are human constructions. All conceptual categories, vyavaharika (worldly) knowledge and experience are filtered through human conditioning. Every kind of knowledge being taught in the modern education system is limited to smriti because it consists of works produced by the human mind.

 

The relationship between shruti and smriti is very important to understand. These are not two disconnected realms. One can lead to the other: each path to attain the rishi state starts out in the vyavaharika realm, and each such path is based on smriti knowledge. Most forms of sadhana or spiritual practice we do are based on some smriti, and these have the potential to eventually lead us to the rishi state. Many texts used for yoga, bhakti, jnana and various other process are smritis. This is the relationship between absolute and relative knowledge, or between the transcendent and worldly realms.

 

Each epoch of history and every level of human consciousness had its own context in which knowledge has been generated and made available to us. Hence, we can think of shastra, itihasa and purana each as a certain genre or type of knowledge. Each is a smriti serving the purpose of informing certain kinds of minds, in ways suitable for such minds. Each genre of smriti is an approximation of shruti. As humans advance, they develop new needs and build new capabilities to fill those needs. Hence, new genres of smriti are always emerging as a result of human creativity.

 

Seen in this way, modern science is a special type of smriti developed for the logical mind, which is a mind that seeks truth by the criteria of such truth being reproducible and verifiable by anyone. This modern scientific truth has achieved great success in solving many kinds of practical problems. Instruments have been developed to measure and hence verify (or refute) empirical claims to ever finer levels of detail. Better measurements lead to more refined theoretical models, which in turn lead to better technologies. This is a cycle that feeds itself. It is undoubtedly one of the greatest achievements of humankind. Western civilization deserves credit for its successful pursuit of modern science.

 

Given this powerful new smriti called modern science, it might seem as if we can side line shruti. Alternatively, a naïve person might see it as desirable to map shruti knowledge onto modern science’s frameworks. I call this the bad habit of digesting one civilization into another. The problem is that modern science functions in terms of reference that block shruti altogether.

 

The Vedic framework has both shruti and many kinds of smritis in a coherent and organically unified system. However, trying to make shruti fit into the system of modern science is an unfortunate act of distortion and a digestion of shruti. The scientific framework is not rich and open enough to allow possibilities that are critical for the integrity of shruti. The reason for this problem is that modern science did not evolve as a smriti within the Vedic system.

 

Our challenge now is to map modern science into the Vedic structures so as to turn it into a smriti that would be compatible with shruti. This way, science would benefit from the Vedic vocabulary and framework; this would facilitate the further development of science.

 

For instance, the Vedic notion of shakti as ‘intelligent energy’ cannot be replaced by separate energy and intelligence being combined into a synthetic unity. Shakti is not two separate entities seen as one, but a single unified intelligence-energy entity. Also, shakti is not constrained by localization in the sense of classical science. Indeed, there is no substitute for shakti in modern science. It is a non-translatable. It includes multiple discoveries of modern science, such as: non-local causation; energy-matter equivalence; potential states of matter as a system of intelligence, etc. Yet, all these disparate modern ‘discoveries’ do not add up to shakti, for it is more than the sum of its parts. It is a blunder when Vedic scientists translate shakti into reductionist categories like ‘energy’, etc.

 

Similarly, the nature of time is very different in the Vedic framework than the notion of time in modern science. The principle of karma is a theory of delayed causation: Unlike physics where causation is only immediate and empirically traced back to the cause, in karma an action can have both immediate and delayed consequences, including consequences that are not empirically traceable to the cause. So karma theory would see physics as a subset, because it deals with immediate empirical effects only. In karma theory, the delayed portion of one’s actions are stored in potential form as a subtle form of causation memory (i.e. sanskaras) whose fruits emerge at a later time in some form.

 

Vedic scientists should stop the habit of mapping Vedic categories on to similar sounding modern scientific ones, because in doing so they are destroying humankind’s collective knowledge and blocking potential advancements. What Vedic scientists must do, instead, is to map modern science into Vedic categories, and investigate with open minds the feasibility of various such mappings. This includes both empirical testing and theoretical debates.

 

Do not translate akasha as space or ether. Rather, space/ether type of entities could be seen as a small subset of akasha. Fire is a subset of agni and its many forms. The fashionable term ‘energy healing’ (itself largely based on appropriating Vedic ideas) is a subset of the vast terrain we know as pranic healing. The list is endless.

 

There is another problem with rash translations of Vedic terms into modern science. Because science is smriti, it is in flux and will always be superseded by superior models as humans advance their vyavaharika knowledge. When that happens, the Vedic mappings to science will make the Vedic framework seem obsolete as well. For instance, Indians mapped akasha as ‘ether’ in the late 1800s, in order to make Vedic knowledge look ‘scientific’. A few decades later, physicists rejected the concept of ether. What did that do to the category of akasha? It became embarrassing as something that ‘science had proven to be false’. So it is better to let akasha remain akasha and resist the craving to impress modern scientists.

 

Whatever is non-translatable is also non-digestible. As long as we retain our framework and its categories, and utilize them actively in futuristic research, we will be able to protect the integrity of our tradition. This should be the basis for our identity; it is priceless.

 

The key research project for us is to identify principles and practices of Vedic knowledge that can be shown to be distinct from the conventional science of a given epoch. It has been shown that the mathematical idea of infinitesimal and infinite series was incompatible with Christianity’s worldview and was imported from India to Europe, leading to the ‘discoveries’ by Descartes, Newton and others.

 

Many Ayurveda principles are simply alien to Christianity as well as modern medical science because Ayurveda uses notions of physiology that Western medicine lacks. Hence, certain Indian diets that are becoming trendy in the West for medical benefits have been validated empirically by modern medicine, but the science behind these is still new in the West and is disconnected with core Western assumptions about the nature of the human being. Vedic principles of the environment are rapidly being assimilated for the sake of modern ecology; but the framework on which they are based is being separated out, the ‘useful elements’ isolated and grafted on to Western frameworks. As a result, the environment is now being protected more for the sake of ‘natural resource management’ than as a stakeholder in its own right. The single most promising area of Vedic knowledge for the future is in the vast realm of the mind sciences. This has been an ongoing research topic for me and one in which I intend to write extensively.

 

While most of the Vedic scientists have been negligent in doing purva-paksha to understand the digestion under way, the Western scientists have been frantically busy in their mining expedition to extract and digest Vedic knowledge. Many Vedic scientists, gurus and political leaders have foolishly been serving such enterprises, in the name of ‘becoming global’.

 

The Abrahamic religions are disconnected from both shruti and modern science. They do not allow the notion of the rishi state as a human potential. Therefore, what we call shruti is simply unavailable in their system. Humans, according to them, are inherently limited only to the smriti level of knowledge. To transcend this human limit of conditioning and context (i.e. to go beyond the smriti level), one has to receive messages from God sent through prophets. This is the only way by which humans can hope to know the higher truth that cannot be directly cognized by our limited minds. As a result of this, the history and texts of the lineage is all we have to know the higher truth. This is why the Abrahamic religions are stuck in past history and fight to death over minute details of that history. There are no rishis available to them to rediscover the higher truth, because the human potential does not include such higher states.

 

The Abrahamic religions have also never had an adequate framework for science. On the contrary, being history-centric has made them persecute free thinking. Hence, they cannot even allow new smritis based on new contexts and new human experiences.

 

Templeton Foundation has been pioneering on behalf of Judeo-Christianity to bridge the separate worlds of science and religion. It hijacked the project started by Infinity Foundation at the University of California started in the 1990s. This project was bringing into the academic world the dharma-based metaphysics of science and spirituality (vyavaharika and parmarthika, respectively). After Infinity Foundation had funded and provided intellectual inputs to this program for three years, Templeton learned about it and came with much larger funding offers to take over the project. The direction was changed and it switched over to becoming another one of its digestion projects. They recruited many Hindu thinkers, including some prominent ones that Infinity Foundation had nurtured for several years.

 

The above is only one of several examples where our intellectuals have been co-opted by those who want to impose their worldview; a worldview which is usually based on the western Judeo-Christian framework and propped up as the Universal. My point is that our intellectuals have lacked the vision to pursue research that would be in our best interests, and have aligned themselves with those trying to digest our heritage.

 

To sum up, I wish to leave the reader with the following key points:

 

  • Modern science should be seen by us as a new kind of smriti, one that has a very useful purpose.
  • Unfortunately, this new smriti has been built on a framework and vocabulary that is disconnected from the Vedic one, and hence it would be a good idea to express modern science in Vedic terms. This would allow us to develop modern science further because of the broader framework offered by the Vedas.
  • Abrahamic religions are a form of smriti also, but very limited and primitive, because they do not believe in the human potential I have called the rishi state. This makes these religions historically frozen and dogmatic, vulnerable to violence.
  • A serious blunder that is going on is the fashion to map shruti on to modern science (and even to Abrahamic religions). This must stop, and be reversed: We must do purva-paksha of modern science and the Abrahamic religions using our frameworks instead.
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AN INTERVIEW WITH INDIAN-AMERICAN AUTHOR RAJIV MALHOTRA – The Literature Today

Rajiv Malhotra is a renowned author, researcher, and thought leader whose work focuses on civilizational studies and fostering dialogue between Indian and Western perspectives. Trained as a physicist and later as a computer scientist specializing in artificial intelligence in the 1970s, he had a distinguished corporate career in the U.S. before transitioning to entrepreneurship. He successfully established and ran several IT companies in over 20 countries.

In the early 1990s, Malhotra decided to exit all for-profit ventures and devote himself fully to research and advocacy. He founded the Infinity Foundation, a non-profit organization based in Princeton, USA, through which he conducts in-depth research into history, social sciences, and mind sciences, often using an Indian civilizational lens.

His foundation is dedicated to creating knowledge, fostering dialogue, and promoting global understanding through books, videos, and public engagements.

Malhotra’s acclaimed works, such as Being Different, Breaking India, and Snakes in the Ganga, challenge Western interpretations of Indian traditions and emphasize the importance of preserving India’s unique civilizational identity. He is particularly known for critiquing the assimilation and misrepresentation of Indian culture by Western frameworks. Today, his contributions span academic research, public discourse, and collaborations with like-minded organizations worldwide.

QUESTIONNAIRE:

TLT: Your book deeply explores the domain of consciousness, blending mysticism and science. How do you see consciousness studies influencing the broader understanding of human existence and its integration into fields like neuroscience and spirituality?

Rajiv Malhotra: Consciousness studies have been a focus of mine for two decades. Apart from the present book The Battle for Consciousness Theory, in earlier books, I highlighted how AI and allied technologies will impact how we understand consciousness. Newer research and advances in neuroscience are pushing the boundaries of materialism and we need to understand deeply the issues at stake and articulate the Dharmic position to this.

TLT: A recurring theme in your works is the critique of “Western Universalism.” How do you propose that Indian traditions reclaim their narrative and assert their uniqueness against the homogenizing forces of
globalization?

Rajiv Malhotra: An important counter to forces of globalization is to not only understand how Western universalism works but also put forth our own Swadeshi response. Sanskrit non-translatable, the concept of Poison Pills, the Hindu Good News – there are many methods I have written on countering this.

TLT: Your concept of the “U-Turn Theory” highlights how Indian traditions are often appropriated and rebranded. What steps can institutions and scholars take to preserve the authenticity of Indian knowledge systems while engaging globally?

Rajiv Malhotra: There are five major steps that I outline as a part of the U-Turn theory, which usually takes place: immersion into the source culture, appropriation of useful elements, erasure of traces to source, repackage as receiver’s original idea, and lastly the export back to the source tradition. Understanding this pattern is crucial to first identifying the concepts and material that have fallen victim to this process. Once this is done, one can establish the trace and spotlight the source tradition in the correct context.

TLT: In your book AI and the Future of Power, you discuss “Five Battlegrounds” impacted by AI. Could you share your perspective on how AI is reshaping human consciousness and the ethical challenges it poses to civilizations like India?

Rajiv Malhotra: In my book AI and the Future of Power, I devote two battlegrounds to understanding the consequences of this important issue. The battle for the agency of the individual, the hacking of nature’s learning systems, and the challenge to spiritualism are hugely important to discuss and debate, especially in India, which has its rich repository of theories on consciousness and at the same time, immense challenges due to the impact of AI on other socio-economic aspects. I address not only the practical issues but more interestingly the metaphysical issues raised – such as the possibility of artificial consciousness as distinct from artificial intelligence.

TLT: Your comparison of Integral Unity and Synthetic Unity is compelling. Could you provide contemporary examples where these paradigms manifest, and discuss their implications for societal and environmental harmony?

Rajiv Malhotra: Integral unity means that ultimately only the whole exists; the parts that make up the whole are only a relative existence; yet this relative existence is important as that is our present state of consciousness. The metaphor used to illustrate this unity is of a smile about a face: A smile cannot exist separately from the face; it is dependent and contingent on the face. However, the face has an independent existence, whether it
smiles or not. Yet, we cannot dismiss the existence of the smile.
The relationship of every entity to the cosmic whole is similar: the dependency is unidirectional. The cosmos is the form of Bhagwan.
You cannot dismiss Bhagwan’s smile (the world) even though its
existence is relative and not absolute. Synthetic unity is different: It starts with parts that pre-exist separately from one another. For example, the parts of an automobile exist separately until they are assembled into a single vehicle. Similarly, in classical physics, the cosmos is viewed as an assemblage of separate elementary particles. The Western scientific tradition has been reductionist rather than integral.

TLT: Transitioning from a successful career in technology to pioneering Indian studies is unique. What inspired this shift, and how has your technical background influenced your work in philosophy and cultural analysis?

Rajiv Malhotra: I was trained initially as a Physicist, and then as a Computer Scientist specializing in AI in the 1970s. After a successful corporate career in the US, I became an entrepreneur and founded and ran several IT companies in 20 countries. Since the early 1990s, as the founder of the non-profit Infinity Foundation (Princeton, USA), I have been researching on a full-time basis the Indian civilization and its engagement with technology from a historical, social sciences, and mind sciences perspective.

TLT: In The Battle for Consciousness Theory, you address the distortion of Sri Aurobindo’s ideas. How can the global community of Aurobindonians effectively counter such misrepresentations and uphold his teachings?

Rajiv Malhotra: When I first began to expose Wilber’s appropriation of Sri Aurobindo’s ideas in the late 1990s, I found myself challenged by many Aurobindonians due to a variety of reasons – hesitation to rock the boat and potentially harm their careers, ignorance of the issue, aloofness and escapist attitudes towards the practical problems in the SA studies, and so on. It was due to the encouragement of Aurobindonian stalwarts such as K.D. Sethna, Kireet Joshi, and Devan Nair I continued my work. The first step to upholding Sri Aurobindo’s legacy is to once again spotlight his work and counter the distortions and appropriations it is subject to by the Wilburites in the public domain.

TLT: You emphasize the importance of creating an “Indian Grand Narrative.” What role can literature, education, and media play in fostering a cohesive and empowering narrative for India?

Rajiv Malhotra: All nations and communities have their own identity-forming stories which helps them build their national and global identity. These stories, a combination of facts and myths form what is called the grand narrative of a people. India lacks such a grand narrative. Instead, many narratives have become implanted by foreign invaders and colonizers. Worst of all are the narratives championing various divisive fragments that serve to emotionally and conceptually break up India rather than build it. Indian Grand Narrative should comprise the stellar contributions the Indian people made across millennia to the global discourse in material and practical ways – such as in science and technology and the mind sciences. The media and the school curricula have a crucial role in spotlighting these contributions, while also highlighting the present challenges, to create an effective “Indian Grand Narrative” for the public.

TLT: You’ve spoken about nurturing “intellectual kṣatriyas” to defend dharma. What advice do you have for young scholars seeking to engage deeply with Indic thought in a global context?

Rajiv Malhotra: The first advice would be to understand one’s own dharma, then get out of your comfort zone to immerse in the global Kurukshetra. This involves understanding the current dynamics of the Kurukshetra and how to use Purva paksha. We have many resources that we have put together over the years that can help, even as one identifies issues within one’s circle of influence to take on.

TLT: With several acclaimed books and initiatives, what projects or areas of research are you currently pursuing? Can readers expect new frameworks or concepts to emerge from your work?

Rajiv Malhotra: Infinity Foundation (IF) is presently at a special moment – it celebrates its 30th anniversary soon. Over the next year, we have some highly important products scheduled for launch including books that will highlight IF’s contributions over the past decades in various domains. I hope to complete the development and propagation of my lifetime work, which is my School of Thought, consisting of a collection of unique frameworks and models.

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Interview with Rajiv Malhotra by Aishwariya Laxmi

Rajiv Malhotra heads the Princeton- based Infinity Foundation, which has over the past thirty years, pioneered the funding of research in the United States on Indian civilization. He has authored fourteen books on civilizations, consciousness and artificial intelligence. His latest book, “The Battle for Consciousness Theory”, co-authored with Manogna Sastry and Kundan Singh, describes how Ken Wilber has appropriated Sri Aurobindo ‘s original works on consciousness and distorted and re-presented them as his own to the world. I give below an interview with the author.

1. Your new book, “The Battle for Consciousness Theory” captures the ‘Wilberization’ of Sri Aurobindo studies in elaborate detail. With the recent advances in Artificial Intelligence, Machine Learning, and Large Language Models, plagiarism has become even easier, and it cuts across a variety of domains, including the arts and sciences, industry, commerce and branding. In the present context, how can ancient civilizational intellectual property be protected? What damage has been caused already?

RM and MS: While the book The Battle for Consciousness Theory captures the Wilberization of Sri Aurobindo studies, it is important to note that many other important concepts have been subject to appropriation and distortion over the years, including Indian practices of pranayama and yoga. An upcoming book of mine discusses another important Indian guru whose work was appropriated. Protecting our civilizational frameworks and concepts begins with understanding the dynamics of the Kurukshetra and recognizing the patterns of appropriation – my Digestion and U-Turn models explore these in great depth.

2. Prima facie, Wilber’s two- dimensional mapping of schools of thought into a “Theory of Everything” oversimplifies complex, higher dimensional consciousness much as a Mercator map distorts the world. What has been the response to your book?

RM and MS: One of the major issues we have highlighted in the book The Battle for Consciousness Theory is how Wilber attempts to subsume the entire model of Sri Aurobindo’s Integral Yoga, based on Vedic frameworks, into his simplified model built on West Universalism.

The book has been received well within India, especially among the public, as Sri Aurobindo is a huge national public figure. We are yet to hear any response from the Wilberites, though.

3. Western scholars like Immanuel Kant, Jung, Hegel, and others as well as scientists like Schrodinger, Tesla, Heisenberg, and Oppenheimer have been hugely influenced by Indian philosophy. Even so, trying to define consciousness in modern scientific terms is extremely difficult if subjective or self – reports of internal states and anecdotal material are held to lack scientific validity. As you state, unlike the West, where Darwinists and those of the Abrahamic faiths that believe in a Creator, Indian science and spirituality were never in conflict. Have there been any new scientific advances that have validated or refuted Sri Aurobindo’s(Poorna) Integral Yoga and Transformation?

RM and MS: Sri Aurobindo’s model was written at a time when the scientic community was exploring its understanding of the Big Bang theory as a cosmological model. This concept, though, nds expression in SA’s work, Savitri. The whole debate about evolution and its battle with creationism is a Western dichotomy; Swami Vivekananda and Sri Aurobindo put forth the more scientifically sound theories of involution-evolution.

4. Despite the knowledge absorbed by European Indologists, Europe has continued to be under the grip of materialism and rising atheism. Do you think the United States will be any different?

RM: It would be naïve to dismiss the entire West as materialistic. There are many strands of spirituality as well. Also, present India is not all that spiritual as one finds materialism taking over. My concern is that the West is digesting Indian thought and practices into Western frameworks and history, while India is picking the bad habits of the West rather than their many good qualities.

5. Besides this book, what are the Infinity Foundation’s contributions to modern Indology?

RM: Infinity Foundation (IF) is presently at a special moment – it celebrates its 30th anniversary soon. Over the next one year, we have some highly important products scheduled for launch including books which will highlight IF’s contributions over the past decades in various domains and showcase the IF school of thought, including its unique frameworks and models. For thirty years now, we have been making game-changing contributions to the domains of education, the history of Indian science and technology, the Indian mind sciences and so on.

6. Do you believe that spiritual writings should be included in university curricula?

RM and MS: Spirituality should be included but positioned as metaphysics and subject to empirical verifiability. Spirituality does not mean some other-worldly, esoteric material – it encompasses all that which makes an individual healthy physically, mentally and emotionally in the society. Indian systems have made phenomenal strides in understanding the individual and collective physio-psychological complex and whether it is yoga, pranayama, frameworks to understand science and technology – Indian writings can make a huge positive impact in shaping the individual and hence needs to be included at relevant levels in the university curricula.

7. Could you recommend books on Indian mind studies and Spirituality suitable for young readers and for inclusion as a curriculum subject in academia?

RM: We find this lacking, so we are developing a series of books on this.

8. Other than the well- known knowledge systems like the Vedas, the Gita and the Upanishads, there are numerous vernacular works by numerous mystics and sages that must be protected, or at least not dismissed as being irrelevant to the times, or as animism or through some such trivialization. What steps do you recommend to safeguard traditional knowledge and beliefs?

RM and MS: The first step is to understand the dynamics at play in the Kurukshetra concerning our proprietary knowledge systems. Then, one needs to understand the mechanisms at play which necessitate the protection of these sources. For instance, I outline the U-Turn theory, which usually takes place when traditional knowledge becomes available for those outside this system– immersion into source culture, appropriation of useful elements, erasure of traces to source, repackage as receiver’s original idea and lastly, export back to the source tradition. Understanding this pattern is crucial to first identifying the concepts and material that have fallen victim to this process. Once this is done, one can establish the trace and spotlight the original source tradition in the correct context.

9. Wilber in his works limits Indian systems to ‘spiritual’ without the ability to address psychological problems. Modern life is beset with societal problems and negatives emotions like anxiety, depression are afflicting the youth specially with the proliferation of social media. In your view, how can our traditional knowledge systems help in alleviating these problems?

RM and MS: This characterization of Indian systems as being focused on other-worldly issues and ignoring worldly problems is something we have seriously challenged in our book. Whether it is yoga, Ayurveda, shastriya sangita, the attitudes of seva – there are many systems within the Indian tradition which focus on creating a strong individual capable of then turning to spiritual aspects.

10. You have mentioned ‘Aurobindonians’ and the reluctance of some of them to engage with intellectual dishonesty and denigration of their Guru’s teachings. In your opinion, how far has ‘ Auroville’ met its goals as a cultural creative since its inception?

RM: Auroville has become too introverted and elitist, all in the name of doing serious work towards evolution of consciousness. But there are many egos at work there. In some ways it has turned into a subsidized retirement community. Its leaders must become less arrogant and more receptive to feedback from outsiders. I wish they had leaders of the quality of KD Sethna, Kirit Joshi, etc.

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The Battle for Consciousness Theory by Rajiv Malhotra

Rajiv Malhotra’s The Battle for Consciousness Theory is a landmark work that defends the integrity of Indian philosophical traditions against intellectual colonization. By exposing the appropriation and distortion of Sri Aurobindo’s work, Malhotra not only honors a great sage’s legacy but also inspires a new generation to reclaim and celebrate their heritage.

In this meticulously researched volume, The Battle for Consciousness Theory, Rajiv Malhotra collaborates with Manogna Sastry and Kundan Singh to craft a defense of Indian traditions against the intellectual subjugation of Western Universalism. Using Ken Wilber’s Integral Theory as a case study, the book scrutinizes how Western scholars have misappropriated the insights of Sri Aurobindo and other Indian sages, reframing them to align with Western paradigms. Malhotra’s thesis revolves around three key frameworks: the Theory of Digestion, the U-Turn Theory, and the distinction between Integral Unity and Synthetic Unity. Each chapter builds upon these models to expose the nuances of intellectual colonization and the need for a dharmic resurgence.

With a clear, analytical lens, “The Battle for Consciousness Theory” is divided into two parts: the first explores the challenges faced by Aurobindonians in defending their tradition, while the second systematically deconstructs Wilber’s appropriation of Sri Aurobindo’s theories.


Part 1: The Challenges of Preserving Sri Aurobindo’s Legacy

The Importance of Challenging Wilberism

Malhotra begins by establishing the stakes: the gradual erasure and distortion of Indian contributions to global intellectual history. Ken Wilber’s Integral Theory is presented as a significant example of this phenomenon. Malhotra argues that Wilber’s work, despite being influential in consciousness studies, misrepresents the original insights of Sri Aurobindo, particularly his concepts of evolution and consciousness. This chapter emphasizes the need for Aurobindonians to rise above apathy and engage in intellectual defense.

The Apathy of Aurobindonians

In this section, Malhotra details his interactions with followers of Sri Aurobindo, both in India and abroad. He expresses disappointment with their reluctance to confront Wilber’s distortions. The chapter explores how Aurobindonians often prioritize their spiritual practices over the intellectual defense of their guru’s legacy. Malhotra critiques this “navel-gazing” attitude and highlights the missed opportunities for collaboration.

Building a Home Team

Malhotra discusses his efforts to mobilize a committed group of scholars to counteract Wilberism. The chapter describes his collaborations with Aurobindonian thinkers and the grants provided by the Infinity Foundation to support this mission. It also sheds light on the challenges of sustaining such efforts in the face of institutional apathy and resistance.

Integral Psychology and Social Action

This chapter delves into Sri Aurobindo’s concept of Integral Psychology, contrasting it with Western psychological models. Malhotra critiques Wilber’s reductionist approach, which fragments Sri Aurobindo’s holistic vision. The discussion also highlights the importance of linking spiritual evolution with social action, a theme central to Aurobindo’s teachings but sidelined in Wilber’s framework.

Globalizing the Debate

The narrative expands to the global stage, examining how Wilber’s Integral Theory gained traction in Western academia and popular consciousness. Malhotra explores the dynamics of power and influence that allow Western thinkers to dominate global discourses, often at the expense of non-Western traditions.

Institutional Betrayal

Malhotra narrates the troubling story of the California Institute of Integral Studies (CIIS), originally founded to disseminate Sri Aurobindo’s teachings in the West. Over time, the institution drifted away from its roots, aligning itself with Wilber’s framework. The chapter critiques this betrayal and its broader implications for the preservation of Indian philosophical heritage.


Part 2: Reclaiming the Integral Movement

The Systematic Hijacking of Sri Aurobindo’s Work

Malhotra opens Part 2 with a detailed critique of Ken Wilber’s career, dividing it into distinct phases. He traces how Wilber gradually appropriated key elements of Sri Aurobindo’s theories, including the concepts of Involution and Evolution. Malhotra argues that Wilber’s reinterpretations often strip these concepts of their spiritual depth, reducing them to mechanistic models that fit within a Western intellectual framework.

Early Appropriations

This chapter examines Wilber’s initial engagement with Indian traditions, particularly Sri Aurobindo’s work. Malhotra highlights how Wilber’s early writings acknowledge Aurobindo but fail to fully grasp the philosophical intricacies of his theories. The discussion reveals Wilber’s superficial understanding of Vedic and yogic traditions.

Appropriating Evolutionary Theories

Here, Malhotra critiques Wilber’s interpretation of Sri Aurobindo’s theory of consciousness evolution. He explains how Wilber’s model simplifies the Aurobindonian framework, omitting critical elements like the role of the Divine and the transformative potential of yoga. Malhotra contrasts this with Aurobindo’s nuanced vision of human and cosmic evolution.

Misrepresenting Integral Yoga

Malhotra focuses on the distortions of Integral Yoga, a central theme in Sri Aurobindo’s teachings. He critiques Wilber’s attempt to subsume Aurobindo’s ideas into his All Quadrants All Levels (AQAL) model, arguing that this leads to a loss of philosophical coherence and spiritual depth. The chapter underscores the differences between the synthetic unity of Wilber’s framework and the integral unity of Aurobindonian thought.

Postmodernism and Indian Traditions

In this chapter, Malhotra explores Wilber’s engagement with postmodernism and its impact on his interpretation of Indian traditions. He critiques Wilber’s portrayal of Indian spirituality as otherworldly and static, countering with examples of its dynamic and evolving nature. The discussion also highlights the limitations of Western postmodern frameworks in understanding dharmic philosophies.

The Concept of Holons

Malhotra examines the influence of Indian concepts on Arthur Koestler’s theory of holons, which Wilber later adopted. He argues that while Koestler and Wilber borrowed heavily from Vedic ideas, they failed to acknowledge their roots. This chapter provides a detailed comparison of holonic systems in Indian and Western thought.

Flaws in Wilber’s AQAL Model

This chapter offers a comprehensive critique of Wilber’s AQAL model, exposing its inconsistencies and limitations. Malhotra argues that the model’s hierarchical structure conflicts with the holistic nature of Sri Aurobindo’s vision. He also critiques Wilber’s reliance on modernist and postmodernist paradigms, which fail to capture the transcendental dimensions of consciousness.

Integral Post-Metaphysics

The final chapter in Part 2 contrasts Wilber’s Integral Post-Metaphysics with Aurobindo’s metaphysical framework. Malhotra highlights the richness and depth of Aurobindonian philosophy, emphasizing its potential to address contemporary challenges in consciousness studies. He critiques Wilber’s reductionist approach, which often marginalizes the spiritual and mystical dimensions of Indian thought.


Strengths of the Book

  1. Exemplary Research: Malhotra’s arguments are supported by an extensive review of primary texts, including Sri Aurobindo’s writings and Wilber’s body of work.
  2. Innovative Frameworks: Concepts like the Theory of Digestion and U-Turn Theory provide fresh perspectives on cultural appropriation.
  3. Balanced Critique: While the book critiques Wilber’s work, it does so respectfully, focusing on the ideas rather than the individual.
  4. Call to Action: Malhotra urges readers to engage in the preservation and propagation of dharmic traditions, making the book both a critique and a manifesto.

Relevance and Impact

In an era of globalization, where ideas flow freely across cultures, The Battle for Consciousness Theory serves as a vital reminder of the importance of intellectual integrity. It is a must-read for scholars, practitioners, and anyone interested in the intersection of philosophy, spirituality, and cultural studies.

Conclusion: A Triumph of Intellectual Defense

Rajiv Malhotra’s The Battle for Consciousness Theory is a landmark work that defends the integrity of Indian philosophical traditions against intellectual colonization. By exposing the appropriation and distortion of Sri Aurobindo’s work, Malhotra not only honors a great sage’s legacy but also inspires a new generation to reclaim and celebrate their heritage.

This book is not just a critique; it is a call to action. It urges readers to engage deeply with their intellectual and spiritual traditions, ensuring their preservation for future generations. In doing so, it sets a high bar for scholarship and advocacy in the field of consciousness studies.

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News

CNN’s Pakistan Bias By Rajiv Malhotra

Many Indians and Westerner scholars are deeply disappointed by CNN’s coverage of events in Afghanistan and the recent India-Pakistan tensions. CNN’s top journalists and anchor persons, including Wolf Blitzer and Christiane Amanpour, seem frozen in a Cold War geopolitical mindset.

 

A cursory glance of the recent CNN headlines on its web site suggests a lack of fairness, balance, and reliable content in its South Asia/Afghanistan coverage. I have been struck by the propagandist tone of many of CNN’s reports. Here are a few samples:

 

CNN Report: “Musharraf heads for Nepal summit”. It is troubling that the Pakistani military chief who toppled a democratically elected government to assume the presidency of Pakistan, and who was persona non grata prior to 9/11, is now depicted by CNN as a world class statesman. Meanwhile, India’s Prime Minister Vajpayee, heading a democracy eight times the size of Pakistan, is depicted as the underdog vying for attention at the SAARC Summit.

 

CNN Video: CNN’s Walter Rodgers profiles Pakistan President Pervez Musharraf, the general turned politician whose balancing act keeps his country together (January 1)”. Such a report appears like a release from Gen. Musharraf’s public relations team, rather than objective news analysis, calling into question CNN’s independence.

 

CNN Video:CNN’s Ash-har Quraishi reports the Indian government has suspended operation of the only train connecting India and Pakistan (December 31).” There is also a CNN report titled, From Lahore: Last train to India leaves Pakistan amid war fears.” But this topic is covered entirely from Pakistan’s perspective, namely, that India has done something against the norms of friendly behavior and that this harasses ordinary citizens. It completely fails to point out India’s position, namely that Pakistan’s ISI had regularly used this train to smuggle terrorists, counterfeit currency, and ISI operatives into India.  Moreover, it also ignores the fact that it was India that promoted such road and rail connections in the first place.

 

CNN Report: “Pakistan arrests leader tied to Dec. 13 attack.” The report depicts Gen. Musharraf as a hero in the war against terrorism. However, CNN has failed to point out that not only was Gen. Musharraf intimately involved in the training and support of terrorists and terrorist-training schools in Pakistan, but that the actions he is now taking are mostly cosmetic. Placing terrorist leaders and fire-breathing Islamic clerics under house arrest is meaningless, unless followed by further action. In fact, Musharraf later revealed that he had no intentions of complying with India’s request to extradite individuals charged with terrorism, including the recent deadly attack on its Parliament. Instead, Gen. Musharraf has demanded proof from India, similar to the Taliban tactics of demanding proof from President Bush concerning the guilt of Bin Laden.

 

Biased Procedures

 

Here is a list of what appear to be biased procedures and practices:

 

  1. CNN’s reports from Pakistan far outnumber its reports from India, even though it has had a Delhi bureau for much longer than its Pakistan bureau, and its Delhi bureau was one of its first and largest in Asia. Have CNN’s Pakistan based journalists lost their objectivity and “nose for news” because the Pakistani military and elite has learnt the fine art of catering to international media?  (This relates to the issue concerning al-taqiyah mentioned later.)
  2. CNN quotes Pakistan’s statements not as ‘claims’ the way it quotes India’s statements. In fact, Pakistan’s ‘claims’ are presented as the news itself, even when it pertains to India’s actions. So CNN is projecting events through Pakistani lens, making the slant in its coverage obvious to informed viewers.
  3. Footage of Musharraf and other Pakistani officials far outnumber those of Indian leaders and spokespersons.
  4. In interviewing Pakistani officials, CNN’s journalists treat them with kid gloves, as they usually do the American president. CNN’s investigative journalism skills are not apparent. It has failed to probe for the crucial information that the public interest requires.
  5. CNN has invited many Pakistani non-governmental ‘experts’, including pro-Pakistani US Congressmen, without a comparable number of pro-India experts or Congressmen from the India Caucus.

 

Serious Errors and Omissions by CNN

 

As a result of CNN’s weak and unbiased coverage, many of the contradictions in Musharraf remain unquestioned, despite being of key American and global concern. In the interest of its quality control, CNN should have an independent panel of experts analyze the following:

 

  1. Immediately after 9/11, Pakistan did not break ranks with Islamic countries in condemning Al Qaeda or the attacks on America, until India came forward with its unequivocal condemnation, and by offering to give the US whatever assistance was required in combating terrorism. Musharraf acknowledged, on Pakistan television, that India’s support for the US position had left him with no choice but to do likewise. CNN has not explained that this so-called “top US ally” was dragged into the job when he was left with no choice. Musharraf feared that the US and India would join to take on Pakistan-Afghanistan as two parts of the same problem, and his decision was therefore merely pragmatic. Even after Pakistan’s commitment to helping the U.S., there have been a number of diplomatic and military ploys that the Pakistani leadership has employed to deceive the American leaders and the public.
  2. Immediately after 9/11, Senator Joe Biden said that he had held very good talks with the head of the notorious Inter Services Intelligence (ISI) of Pakistan in Washington, D.C., leading him and other lawmakers to see the ISI as the main partner of the US in the war against terrorism. However, the US would later confirm that, based upon Indian intelligence reports, the head of the ISI was himself a Taliban leader. Consequently, the US pressured Musharraf to fire the ISI chief, but CNN covered up these embarrassments. This was the same man who led a Pakistani delegation to Kandahar to try and “negotiate” with the Taliban leaders for the peaceful surrender of Bin Laden. This expedition was clearly a ploy and a façade, but CNN’s reporting seemed too naive to grasp this.
  3. CNN has repeatedly blamed the US withdrawal from Afghanistan after the war against the Soviets for Pakistan’s problems vis-à-vis terrorism and Islamic militancy.  CNN reporters and commentators have prefaced their reports and analyses by placing the guilt on the US for the growth of terrorism in the area. On the contrary, this theory applies only to Afghanistan, which the US abandoned after the rout of the Soviets. It does not apply to Pakistan and does not rationalize its support of Islamic militancy in the region. Pakistan thrived on becoming a “jihad” exporter; it schooled Afghan refugee children in jihad schools, called madrassas, specifically for export. This brought clout to Pakistan in the region, and gave its Islamic clergy and Islamicized military a sense of importance that Pakistan neither deserved nor commanded in the rest of the world.  In particular, it provided Pakistan the necessary “human resources” for its proxy war in Kashmir against India. Pakistan is the founder and sustainer of the Taliban, not its victim.
  4. For the first two weeks of US air strikes in Afghanistan, Musharraf’s “intelligence data” misled the American forces into bombing Northern Alliance targets and sparing Kabul. CNN interpreted this as a wise strategy, presenting the occupation of Kabul by the Northern Alliance as inimical to US interests. This, too, was manipulated by the Musharraf regime to buy time for the surreptitious evacuation of the thousands of regular Pakistani military personnel and high-ranking Taliban members who were fighting the Americans. CNN  helped cover up the Pakistani deception by not reported the extent to which the Taliban were, in fact, Pakistani nationals, including many Pakistani senior army officers. Meanwhile, the American public was wondering why the US bombing was having no effect.
  5. Musharraf wanted no fighting during Ramadan.  He repeatedly warned that Muslims all over the world would take umbrage at such US action. Those warnings were empty threats and yet another example of strategic posturing that CNN bought hook, line, and sinker. Had there been a pause in the military action then, it would have facilitated the escape of more Pakistani Talibans with the help of the ISI.
  6. After only a week of US bombing, Musharraf argued on CNN that American bombing of Al Quaeda’s Afghanistan bases should end, and that Americans should trust Pakistan to do the clean-up and mop up operations. Secretary Powell supported this initially.
  7. Even after joining the US alliance against terrorism, Musharraf insisted that the Taliban are “not so bad except for a small number of extremists”, and strongly recommended that the Taliban should be refurbished into a new government, or at least brought in as an important and stabilizing segment of any new government. Secretary Powell publicly supported this proposal for several days, as if his strategies were formulated in Islamabad.
  8. Musharraf received one billion dollars of US taxpayer money, with no restrictions on what he may do with it. CNN has not explained that similar aid was previously misused by the Pakistani elite, including its army, and used for funding militant Islam.  Those monies are not targeted to tackle the real problems of Pakistan: a lack of democratic institutions, and an overdose of Islamic fervor.
  9. CNN has not adequately explained to viewers that Pakistan has not closed down the madrassas where the Taliban were trained. The print media in the US has explained that there are over 39,000 madrassas in Pakistan with an enrollment in the millions.
  10. The Pakistani army is still filled with Taliban alumni at the lower ranks, and an overthrow of the Musharraf regime is considered only a matter of time. CNN has not done a report on the Talibanization of Pakistan, especially of the lower levels of its army.
  11. Most senior Taliban officers are still at large. CNN has not informed its viewers of the extent to which the Taliban leaders were top Pakistani military officials. In fact, under Taliban rule, the distinction between Pakistan and Afghanistan in terms of governance and military was often blurred.

 

Shallow Interpretation by CNN

 

The entire handling of news and analysis of this region by CNN appears seriously flawed. For instance, many Indians and impartial Western observers are concerned about the following:

 

After 9/11, CNN’s analysis for the first few weeks was based entirely on two assumptions: (a) The Taliban were said to be fighting because of poverty in Muslim countries allegedly caused by the rich countries – a Marxist theory of conflict – when, in fact, the Taliban are opposed to modernity, technology, and science. There was considerable mobilization of American guilt caused by such misportrayals. (b) The US stand on Palestine was singularly blamed, but with no attempt to educate viewers on jihad teachings against non-Muslims in the Koran and in the madrassas. Islam was depicted by Christiane Amanpour and others on CNN as a religion of peace par excellence.

 

CNN failed to probe the textbooks and curriculum in Pakistan-based Taliban schools and madrassas to uncover the source of Islamic terrorism. “Talib” means student of the Koran. The Taliban are students raised in Pakistan’s refugee camps and taught in Pakistan’s madrassas, funded with Saudi money.  In most talks I have recently given on American campuses, audiences are surprised to learn the basic facts, such as the Taliban being a Made-in-Pakistan movement. Why has this not come out on CNN the way it has in the print media? One would have expected CNN to run specials utilizing American educators to dissect and read out excerpts from the textbooks used in the madrassas, the Pakistani sponsored jihad factories.

 

CNN has made it seem as if Musharraf is Pakistan and Pakistan is Musharraf. But only 10% of Pakistanis in various opinion polls would vote for him in a free election. A proper coverage of Pakistan would also explain the widespread opposition, both from Islamic fundamentalists and from democratic parties. Is CNN reporting the reality, or campaigning for the General?

 

Besides jihadis-for-rent, the export of narcotics has been another major product of Pakistan and its Taliban ally. How many CNN viewers know of this?

 

CNN has failed to explain that it suits the short-term US foreign policy to turn a blind eye to the blatant misdeeds of Pakistan vis-à-vis not only India, but also concerning Chechen and Chinese terrorists being trained in their country.

 

CNN has not reported that many people in India are disgusted with the blatant double standards of the US in dealing with the terrorist attacks against India. In fact, they think that if the US had addressed the concerns expressed by India during all these years, it would not have had to suffer the terrorist attacks on 9/11. Indians wonder how the Bush administration can ask India to show restraint when it has been bludgeoned and bloodied by terrorism for the past decade or so.

 

CNN has not compared India’s internal war against Islamic terrorism with the US external war against the same: To what extent were India’s and Israel’s so-called “human rights violations” in their internal wars similar or less severe than the methods of war used by the US in Afghanistan? Are the “human rights violations” in some cases the same as “collateral damage” in others? (I am all for prevention of such violations, BUT reporting standards must be consistently applied to all nations and all sides.)

 

As recently as in the latest SAARC Summit in Katmandu, Musharraf said on January 6th that: “It is equally important that a distinction be maintained between acts of legitimate resistance and freedom struggles on the one hand and acts of terrorism on the other.” In other words, the denouncing of terrorism by Pakistan is a qualified one, in which there is an escape clause for whatever is deemed to be a “freedom struggle”. This is an impossible definition to agree with, as even the Al Qaeda and other jihad groups feel convinced that they are “freedom struggles”. By whose standards and through whose lens would this distinction be made? CNN has been too shallow to probe such issues with any sophistication.

 

Did the American praise for Musharraf push India into the recent military buildup, because India had to make sure that its own fight against Islamic terrorism is not ignored? Is it a racist attitude to consider Indian victims of terrorism as being less important than Western ones? CNN’s job is to ask such troubling questions.

 

CNN has failed to inquire why Pakistan’s non-Muslim population declined from over 10% in 1947 to under 2% today – an act of ethnic cleansing – whereas India’s Muslim population has increased from 10% to over 14% during the same period? Should the treatment of non-Muslim minorities in Islamic countries be raised as an issue by CNN interviewers when the Islamic spokespersons complain about the treatment of Muslims in the US?

 

Why have the Afghan government’s severe criticisms of Pakistan, including its training of Kashmir terrorists and its role in the Talibanization of Afghanistan, not been given adequate play on CNN? CNN has not given enough coverage to the Northern Alliance spokesmen, who, after all, were the real US allies on the ground, and who have repeatedly named Pakistan as the main culprit they had to fight.

 

Why have CNN analysts failed to point out the parallels between Musharraf and the many dictators previously groomed and supported by the US – such as Noriega of Panama, Ferdinand Marcos of Philippines, the Shah of Iran, Saddam Hussein of Iraq, and the Saudi royal family, to name a few? Those dictators and authoritarian leaders were masters at hoodwinking the gullible American public and media.  Their Westernized appearances, their congeniality and bonhomie with Western diplomats and media personnel, enabled them to mask effectively their anti-democratic and brutal regimes. Perhaps, Musharraf even used the same custom tailors and PR agencies as these other dictators did to help package himself on CNN.

 

Since the West considers democracy as the sine qua non to bring modernity and prosperity to a people, should this not be the focus of what is wrong in Islamic countries?  Why has CNN helped Americans forget about the so-called road map to democracy in Pakistan that was promised by Musharraf after his military coup; and how is this related to his formal announcement to remain President even after the next “election”?

 

Proposed Mini-Series: History of Wahhabi-Deobandi-Taliban

 

Americans cannot fully understand Islamic terrorism without understanding the Taliban movement and its theological foundations. Having watched CNN for hundreds of hours since 9/11, which has been good for CNN ratings, viewers deserve to be educated through a few informative mini-series and documentaries. One of these should give a history of how the Taliban variety of Islam started in the first place. This should be done without fear of Islamic threats.

 

In 1703, two important men were born, one in Arabia and the other in India. Shah Waliullah was born in Delhi. His father, Adbur Rahim, a scholar-bureaucrat in Aurangzeb’s court, had founded the Rahimiyya Madrassa in Delhi. Years later, his disciple, Sayyid Ahmad Barelvi went to Mecca on hajj and met the followers of a similar movement that had been independently founded by Wahhab.

 

Muhammad ibn Abdul Wahhab was also born in 1703, in Najd, Arabia. He collaborated with a desert tribal warlord named ‘Saud’, whose descendants are now known as the Saudi Royal Family. This led to a new kind of Islam that emphasized a return to fundamentals and a rejection of modernity and the West. It asserted the triumph of Islam over all others as being God’s will.

 

Wahhabism later lost some wars in Arabia. But when Waliullah’s followers in India visited Arabia in the 19th century, they joined forces, giving the Wahhabi ideology a new base – India. It was from India that major jihads were launched against the British that kept them from taking control over Afghanistan.

 

Waliullah’s followers united the Islamic sects of Naqshbandi, Qadiri and Chishti, and created a nexus in a town in India called Deoband. Both Wahhabism and Deobandism were initially peaceful responses against modernity and the West. But the ideological seeds were sown for what later turned into a massive Saudi funded madrassa school system of extremism throughout the subcontinent. The Deobandi madrassa in Lucknow is Mullah Omar’s alma mater.

 

After the birth of Pakistan, the nexus of this movement shifted to Pakistan. Zia, Bhutto, and Sharif each utilized this fundamentalism for political leverage at home and against India.

 

Another key point that the media must bring out is this: When a few courageous Islamic liberals, such as President Nasser, attempted secularism and democracy, the West found it threatening, and preferred to support the totalitarian Kings and armies that seemed easier to control short-term. By supporting totalitarian rulers against nimble democracies and secularist states, the West set the stage for a popular uprisings from within these countries. In the absence of any democratic institution building, it was always Islamic fundamentalism that was sufficiently organized at the grass roots to be able to overthrow the dictators. Hence the bipolar choice of dictatorship versus Islamic fundamentalism in almost every Islamic country today.

 

Journalists should do a post-mortem on the West’s policy against Non-Alignment.  The West, especially the U.S., opposed the three post colonialist leaders of the Non-Aligned Movement – Nehru, Nasser, and Tito – tooth and nail. Would things have been different today (in the Middle East as a result of Nasser, and in Yugoslavia as a result of Tito) if the West had not opposed them so vehemently, and instead helped them build democracy and secularism in the Third World, which is what all three men had hoped to achieve?

 

Today, the West finally seems to realize that it is a lack of democratic institutions and experience, more than anything else, that have led nations down religious fundamentalist paths and on to terrorism.

 

Only one of these post colonial Third World experiments still functions as a democracy – India. And that, too, in spite of US attempts to subvert it. Imagine if India had also gone the way of post-Nasser Egypt and post-Tito Yugoslavia: the entire region, all the way from the Middle East to South East Asia, including India, Thailand, Philippines and Indonesia, could have been one Islamic fundamentalist crescent.

 

A good CNN question would be: What were the consequences of the Western Ego’s internal battle for the need for global democracy versus the desire to have a servile Third World? In this context, the role of India’s democracy should be examined – as the crucial factor in preventing the spread of Communism and Arabized Islam throughout the non-Western world.

 

With the democratic option unavailable to the people of almost all Islamic nations, the orthodox clergy has been able to use Islamic ideologies to mobilize resistance to the US backed puppet rulers. This is an internal clash for power, Muslims versus Muslims. It later gets ‘externalized’ against the West depicted as the puppeteers supporting the unpopular dictators.

 

The dispute with Israel is just one such externalization, but the root cause is the lack of democracy in Muslim nations and their pre-Reformation antagonism against modernity and secularism.

 

Short-sightedness leads the West to fund and arm puppets who are against democracy. Puppets tend to be Westernized in metaphors, with yuppie Armani-suited appearances, fluent in global culture, driving BMWs, and well-traveled – in other words, socially ‘comfortable’ with American policymakers and media. CNN’s Musharraf is merely the latest in a long list.

 

By contrast, democratic leaders and true voices of poor countries appear to Americans the way Gandhi appeared to the British – an alien, exotic, inferior ‘other’.

 

Western delusion continues in the subsequent stage, when the religious underpinnings of the  mobilization get ignored, and it is imagined that this is not about religion. But it is.

 

CNN should hire high quality independent scholars, who are not part of the Islamic lobby, to help produce the documentary. Some of these independent scholars and writers include Ibn Warraq, Tariq Ali, Walid Phares, V.S. Naipaul, and Farrukh Dhondy. Some of the New York Times journalists to consult are Rick Bragg, Neil MacFarquhar, Blaine Harden.

 

Proposed Mini-Series: Pakistan’s Identity Crisis

 

Without giving the necessary historical background, CNN has not created the framework and context in which to enable its viewers to make any sense of the India-Pakistan current events.

 

To explain the way many of India’s billion people feel about Pakistan, V.S. Naipaul has summarized the Taliban-like plunder of India for a thousand years[i]:

 

“Fractured past” is too polite a way to describe India’s calamitous millennium. The millennium began with the Muslim invasions and the grinding down of the Hindu-Buddhist culture of the north. This is such a big and bad event that people still have to find polite, destiny-defying ways of speaking about it. In art books and history books, people write of the Muslims “arriving” in India, as though the Muslims came on a tourist bus and went away again. The Muslim view of their conquest of India is a truer one. They speak of the triumph of the faith, the destruction of idols and temples, the loot, the carting away of the local people as slaves, so cheap and numerous that they were being sold for a few rupees. The architectural evidence – the absence of Hindu monuments in the north – is convincing enough. This conquest was unlike any other that had gone before. There are no Hindu records of this period. Defeated people never write their history. The victors write the history. The victors were Muslims. For people on the other side it is a period of darkness. Indian history is written about as a matter of rulers and kingdoms shifting and changing. This is why it all seems petty and boring to read and hard to remember. But there is a larger and more tragic and more illuminating theme. That theme is the grinding down of Hindu India. Let us consider two late dates. In 1565, the year after the birth of Shakespeare, Vijayanagar in the south is destroyed and its great capital city laid waste. In 1592, the terrible Akbar ravages Orissa in the east. This means that while a country like England is preparing for greatness under its great queen, old India, in its sixth century of retreat, is still being reduced to nonentity. The wealth and creativity, the artisans and architects of the kingdoms of Vijayanagar and Orissa would have been destroyed, their light put out. Those regions are still now among the poorest in India.

 

CNN must also educate its journalists to understand the contrasts between India and Pakistan. Just as it is no longer considered acceptable to say things like, “all blacks look the same” or “all Orientals look the same”, this homogenization of all “South Asians” has become a project to deny them their individuality and their uniqueness.

 

Pakistan’s fixation with the two-nation theory – that there must be a separate Islamic Republic because different religions cannot co-exist in a secular state – compelled Pakistan to seek an identity for itself that is specifically un-Indian, and non-Hindu. For, if Pakistanis were seen as Indians who converted to Islam, then they would seem no different than the Indian Muslims, who are equal in number to Pakistan’s total population, who are better educated and economically placed, and who enjoy greater social freedom than their counterparts in Pakistan. Hence, the very existence of Pakistan as a separate nation (i.e. the two-nation theory) rests upon constructing an identity for itself that is inherently different than India’s.

 

This identity is developing via a variety of projects as evidenced by textbooks in government schools in Pakistan, and by the ethos projected on its state television and other forums. The following are some of the major historical theories being spun by Pakistan, to secure legitimacy for the two-nation theory, and hence its separate existence:

 

  1. Pakistan is depicted as the successor to the thousand year old Mughal Empire. The two-century British rule is seen as a dark period of interruption that must now be reversed by returning to the glory of the Mughal Empire. Under this dispensation, Hindus would be second-class citizens, just as they were under the Mughals. Many Pakistanis would like Emperor Akbar’s model, under which Hindus were respected, although Muslims enjoyed higher status. Other Pakistanis prefer Emperor Aurungzeb’s model, under which Hindus were oppressed if they failed to convert, and Islam was asserted in the Taliban way. Professor Akbar Ahmad, a Pakistani scholar of anthropology and political science, champions Pakistan’s sense of history and identity as successor to Akbar’s Mughal Empire. (Had the founders of Pakistan named their new country “Mughalistan”, it might have facilitated this sense of identity.)
  2. Even more aggressive is the theory that depicts Pakistanis as the eight thousand-year-old people of the Indus Valley. Under this theory, the Indus civilization is claimed to have always been different from the Ganges Valley civilization. The thesis claims that the Indus and Ganges are the ancestral homelands of Pakistanis and Indians, respectively. Hence, they have always been separate people. Under this model, the Indus Valley research scholars are encouraged to show the links between the Indus and the Middle East civilizations of Mesopotamia, so as to bring Pakistan and the Arab-Persian worlds into a coherent and continuous historical-geographical identity since the beginnings of recorded history.
  3. The third method of constructing an historical identity of Pakistan has been to consider Pakistanis as Arab-Persian-Turk “immigrants” who brought Islam (with a few occasional “invasions” against the infidels, when required). Hence, Pakistanis get differentiated from the “native” Indian Muslims.

 

These theories explain why rampant Arabization of Pakistani culture is being encouraged. Arabization is to Pakistanis what Macaulayism[ii] is to many Indians. The difference is that Macaulayism has afflicted only the top tier of Indian elitists, whereas Arabization of Pakistan pervades all strata of Pakistani identity. For instance:

 

  • Girls are discouraged from wearing mehndi, because it is seen as a Hindu tradition, even though it has nothing to do with one’s religion per se.
  • The kite flying tradition during the festival of Baisakhi, celebrated for centuries in Punjab as the harvest season, is now being contemplated by Pakistan’s identity engineers as being too Sikh and Hindu in character, and not Arab enough.
  • Emphasis is placed on being un-Indian so as to assert this new identity wherever possible.

 

Independent India founded itself on the principle of secularism and pluralism, and has had one of the most aggressive and ambitious affirmative action programs in the world. The results, while far from perfect, have produced many top level Muslim leaders in various capacities in India, and a growth of Muslims as a percentage of total population. But Pakistan chose to be an Islamic Republic, its non-Muslim population has almost disappeared, and it has seldom appointed non Muslims to important posts. CNN must know these contrasts.

 

Pakistan does not speak for all Muslims of the subcontinent. Even within the subcontinent, Pakistan’s Muslim population is smaller than Bangladesh’s and India’s. Indian Muslim leaders, such as Shabana Azmi, should be called upon to speak for themselves on CNN.

 

The economic directions are entirely different: in India, the emphasis is on technology and economic development, whereas in Pakistan the madrassas emphasize the Islamic identity.

 

Given all this, CNN needs to de-homogenize India and Pakistan. India is one-sixth of all humanity. It deserves its own space in the American mind, and should not be reduced to one of eight countries lumped into a single ‘region’ or ‘identity’ just for simplicity and convenience.

 

Indians should quit trying to force Pakistan into an Indian-like identity – i.e. through the “South Asianization” program going on – and to let them go their own way. In fact, India should happily facilitate the rehabilitation of Pakistan’s new identity in accordance with Pakistan’s wishes. Geopolitical segmentation in the future will include Pakistan in the Middle East region, and India in the Southeast Asian (ASEAN) region. That would make both nations coherent with their respective cultures and ethos.

 

The core issue between these two countries is not Kashmir. The core issue is the two-nation theory espoused by Pakistan, but without a positive identity of its own. India adopted pluralism and the unity theory. The average Indian villager is quite secure about who he is without any government program to engineer his identity. The average Pakistani is constantly bombarded by his authorities to mold his self-identity.

 

These divergent worldviews are the root cause, and not any specific real estate dispute such as Kashmir. Kashmir is not the cause but a symptom of this deeper problem. One might say that this negative identity – as the ‘un-India’ – was a manufacturing defect of Pakistan.

 

Jinnah started out merely playing a political game for the Prime Ministership of India, which turned into the irreversible momentum for Partition. Now his successors in Pakistan find themselves in a corner, having to legitimize his two-nation ideology.

 

If the West does not understand these points, and continues to consider Kashmir as the problem in isolation, it could end up creating another Palestine-like unsolvable crisis. Only this time there are substantially larger populations and nukes.

 

The West must remember that until recent decades, there was a strong Kashmiri identity that was not based on any religion or politics. Kashmir has become an issue only because Pakistan externalized its identity crisis, towards an enemy outside, so as to galvanize a meaning for its existence.

 

Re-Educating CNN’s Journalists

 

CNN has almost 4,000 news professionals worldwide. Yet, it has failed to train even a few of them in the basic history and politics of certain civilizations that they are expected to cover. Every multinational corporation that I have worked with gives far greater orientation and education to its principal executives, before sending them off to other cultures to run a business. One would think that a journalist would have to be an expert on the region being covered.

 

CNN’s much celebrated Christiane Amanpour has no education pertaining to the Indian subcontinent mentioned in her CV. Wolf Blitzer earned a bachelor of arts degree in history from the State University of New York at Buffalo and a master of arts degree in international relations from the Johns Hopkins University School of Advanced International Studies.[iii] But he started during the Cold War, and still appears to function within that framework. He is unable to see the importance of India as a nation by itself.

 

CNN must be careful to select the right university program to train and retrain its journalists. One good place would be the Center for Advanced Studies of India (CASI) at the University of Pennsylvania, run by Professor Francine Frankel. CASI briefed President Bill Clinton’s team prior to their historic trip to India. It would certainly be a good investment for CNN to engage Prof. Frankel’s services, for an extensive series of courses to become India savvy. It is especially important to select a center that is India specific, and to avoid the “South Asia” programs whose agendas and scholars get diverted by their attempts to seek a new and artificial South Asian homogeneity.

 

This training would help CNN to move beyond the caste, cows and curry syndrome of viewing India. It would help its journalists to move beyond Cold War journalism styles.

 

A wider problem is that CNN is following the entertainment oriented American documentary genre, as contrasted with the British documentary film movement of Grierson[iv], Flaherty[v] and others, that is considered far more innovative. This is probably why BBC performs better than CNN in documentaries and reporting. CNN’s style also has something to do with the advertising and commercial culture of the US in contrast with that of Europe. Even US Presidents are made on the basis of their acting abilities, camera friendliness, tutored smiles, and doctored speeches. CNN has not been able to free itself from this mindset.

 

Protecting CNN’s Journalists from Al Taqiyah

 

Al taqiyah is a very powerful Islamic doctrine, which CNN should make its journalists understand, so as to avoid being blind-sided by it. It is explained as follows by Dr. Walid Phares, a Lebanese-American Professor of Political Science at Florida Atlantic University[vi]:

 

“In the early years of the Islamic conquest of the Arabian peninsula and in the Fatah (Arab-Islamic invasion and conquest of the upper Middle East and the outside world), a Muslim concept was devised to achieve success against the enemy (non Muslims), Al-Taqiyah. Al-Taqiyah, from the verb Ittaqu, means linguistically ‘dodge the threat’. Politically it means simulate whatever status you need in order to win the war against the [infidel] enemy …”

 

Phares explains that this doctrine legitimized deception and lying against non-Muslims: “These agents were acting on behalf of the Muslim authority at war, and therefore were not considered as lying against or denouncing the tenants of Islam.”

 

Utilizing “al-taqiyah” as a resource, Pan-Islamic global organizations have engineered a Westernized face of peace and tolerance. Al-Taqiyah calls for diplomacy, moderation and apparent (but not real) assimilation in situations where dar-ul-Islam (Nation of Islam) is not yet powerful enough to assert itself. In contradistinction, there is a radically different internal face of Islam back home where Islam is the majority.

 

CNN journalists must not be naïve enough to be misled by experienced taqiyah lobbyists, in places such as Pakistan or Washington, D.C..

 

The Failure of the Indian Government

 

The Government of India has been rather ineffective in the management of public opinion. It should consider appointing to diplomatic posts in Western nations media savvy professionals with considerable success in debating and articulating complex positions in Western settings. The bureaucrats of the Indian Foreign Service are often inept in the art of winning the minds of Western journalists and public. India has a large number of articulate lawyers, and world class industrialists who should be asked to take on the role of spokespersons for India. India should have trained its own information and public relations team and then sent them around the world, just as the US Islamic lobby did within hours of 9/11.

 

India’s own media could also learn a great deal about patriotism from CNN’s intentions. Many Indian journalists have gone to the other extreme, and criticized their government often for the sake of proving their independence and their distance from anything potentially branded as “nationalism”.

 

The Failure of the “Experts” and “Heavyweights”

Many Indian Americans have sought a “South Asian” identity, which, by definition, makes it difficult and embarrassing to take a principled stand against Pakistan. This is one factor behind the lack of effort by the so-called billionaires of India, by the various community leaders, and by the academic experts based in “South Asia Studies”.

 

SAJA (South Asian Journalists Association) also finds itself having to play a ‘neutral’ role, even though its membership is 90% Indian-American. In short, it has not gone to the media to squarely bat for India and against the positions being promoted by Pakistani lobbyists. But Pakistani journalists have no such self-imposed limitations.

 

This crisis also confirms in my mind that Indian American community leaders fail to understand the role of academics and scholars in shaping American public opinion, especially since this process is quite different from that in India. I am referring to the specialized think tanks, Area Studies, History departments, and International Studies departments in leading universities, and their role in educating policy-makers and media.

 

The Hindutva movement in America has made some attempts at molding public opinion but failed to accomplish much. It lacks quality English speaking spokespersons with the savvy or panache to deal with the American media and public. Also, it is marginalized in American intellectual circles, given its ‘scandals’ (as successfully branded by its opponents) about the Babri masjid incident, the Tehalka scam, and others. It uses rhetoric that quickly forces it into debating corners. It is seen as old fashioned and ineffective in building intellectual bridges. It has lost around 50% of its own second generation in America, as it has failed to develop programs to reach out and nurture the non-Indian spouses of the 50% who marry outside their community. And it has failed to leverage the 20 million ‘white’ sympathizers who practice yoga and meditation, either through a lack of awareness of their presence or by simply ignoring them.

 

(A good example of how media influence is being developed by others, in very subtle and long term strategic ways, is the Pew International Journalism Fellowship. This program is located at many places, including the Johns Hopkins SAIS where Wolf Blitzer studied[vii].)

 

One must also wonder why so many academic scholars, who claim deep love for India, did nothing about the biased media reports against India. When confronted, some explain that they are scholars and not activists. Yet, Islamic scholars are out there working overtime as activists. Also, I clearly remember that when the Babri mosque was destroyed, it was these same scholars – the Hinduism and India experts – who went around lecturing and writing letters condemning the actions. The same also happened to protest against allegations of attacks against Christians, and on the plight of Dalits.

 

This academic silence leads me to wonder whether the program to intellectually demonize the Indic identity has advanced to such a stage that today we are already not worth saving in case there were to be a genocide.

 

CNN = FNN or PNN?

 

After many letters, faxes, and emails of complaints against CNN, they did respond to several of us. A brief summary of the position stated by Sam Feist, Executive Producer of CNN’s “Wolf Blitzer Show” and “Crossfire” was given as follows:

 

CNN DOMESTIC is basically disinterested in both Pakistan and India except to the extent it directly affects US interests. Feist realizes that India’s perspective in the India-Pakistan conflict needs better coverage in the Wolf Blitzer shows. He attributes the deficiency to Indian officials not being as forthcoming as the Pakistanis, when CNN requests for interviews with high functionaries. He felt that it was far easier to get the Pakistanis to appear on a CNN show as compared to the Indians. In a recent Wolf Blitzer show, in which the Pakistani Foreign Minister was interviewed, it required considerable effort on CNN’s part to finally get India’s Law Minister to appear.

 

But many Indians see CNN as eating out of Musharraf’s hands, not asking him the tough questions, and, instead, playing rough on Indian leaders. This has turned off many Indian spokespersons.

 

Notwithstanding all this, it remains CNN’s responsibility to give balanced, fair and in-depth analyses to the public. I wish to emphasize that my evaluation of CNN is based on the American public’s interests and not on the interests of India per se. Honest post mortems, balanced views, and truthful educational news magazines would benefit American society by making it better informed. A biased “party line”, no matter how well intended, is hardly in the best interest of Americans.

 

CNN’s strategy seems to be to get top name brand government faces each night on its channel. I wonder if, in exchange, it must compromise its independence by airing the ‘official’ policies. Is CNN, in effect, FNN = Federal News Network?

 

It seems that after the takeover by Time-Warner, CNN might have lost its independence and reliability as a source of news, because it is under pressure to deliver shareholder value through ratings. If so, would it not be a sellout, exchanging integrity of journalism for the sake of ratings?

 

Given the alternative sources of information now available to consumers, especially with the Internet, CNN might be destroying the credibility it built during the Gulf War.

 

CNN has been letting Musharraf define the issues and frame them in his perspective. CNN’s job in this alliance with him seems to be to sell Musharraf to the world using the CNN brand. But in the process, CNN is eroding its own brand equity. Many Indians have started referring to it as PNN = Pakistan News Network.

 

Good reporting is not about deciding what is right or about taking sides, but about representing the major perspectives of a situation. I do not demand that CNN agree with India. But CNN must stop ignoring, subverting, and trivializing the positions taken by one-sixth of humanity.

 


 

[i] V. S. Naipaul, in an interview in Outlook, November 15th 1999. Available at: http://www.outlookindia.com/full.asp?fname=naipaul&fodname=19991115&sid=1

[ii] This term is named after Lord Macaulay, who pioneered the British program to replace Indian languages with English, to remove respect for indigenous ideas and values, so as to create intellectual dependence and reverence for the colonizers. This was a very essential part of the colonizing process, and its crushing impact is still being felt.

[iii] See Johns Hopkins University SAIS site at: http://www.sais-jhu.edu/

[iv] Grierson, John (b. April 26, 1898, Kilmadock, Stirlingshire, Scot.–d. Feb. 19, 1972, Bath, Somerset, Eng.), founder of the British documentary-film movement and its leader for almost 40 years. He was one of the first to see the potential of motion pictures to shape people’s attitudes toward life and to urge the use of films for educational purposes.

[v] Flaherty, Robert (Joseph) (b. Feb. 16, 1884, Iron Mountain, Mich., U.S.–d. July 23, 1951, Dummerston, Vt.), U.S. explorer and filmmaker, called the father of the documentary film.

[vi] “Islamic concept of Al-Taqiyah to infiltrate and destroy kafir countries” By Dr. Walid Phares. Available at: http://www.pragna.org/Art20615.html

[vii] See: http://www.pewfellowships.org/

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AI & The Future of Power, Battlegrounds

The 5 Battlegrounds

The 5 Battlegrounds

Battlegound 1
Economy, industry, education and jobs.
Data Capitalism (pp. 70-74)

A fundamental aspect of data capitalism is the concept of a platform—a company with a collection of mechanisms bringing together a set of parties to interact with each other. A platform has been defined as “a business based on enabling value by creating interactions between external producers and consumers. The platform provides an open, participative infrastructure for these interactions and sets governance conditions for them”. A platform can be any avenue that facilitates decentralized interaction.

….. Platform companies are growing far faster than any other sector of the world economy. In just a few years, they acquired trillions of dollars of market capital, mostly concentrated in the US and China. The United Nations Conference on Trade and Development report on the digital economy describes the powerful position platforms hold in the economy.

“Both their high market valuations and the speed at which global digital companies have attained high capitalizations attest to the new value associated with being able to transform digital data into digital intelligence. Investors are betting on the disruption and reorganization of whole economic sectors, such as retail, transport and accommodation, or health, education and agriculture, by investing in long-term, digital-intelligence-based control of those sectors, which, they believe, will enable the generation of high profits in the future. Such disruption may involve sweeping away traditional players as well as preempting the emergence of new digital competitors. By introducing new products, services and business models, global digital companies become factors of disruption in sectors as varied as transport, accommodation, banking, education, and the media.” (United Nations Conference on Trade and Development, Digital Economy Report 2019, pp. 83)

The vast quantity of user data the platform companies gobble up every second is the chief source of these companies’ power and wealth. Individuals and organizations voluntarily (or involuntarily when they are ignorant) hand over massive amounts of data to them. The platforms systematically record all the data that passes through them. Cloud companies are also becoming huge data collection enterprises, and their large investment in infrastructure makes them difficult to compete against. All this data is machine-readable and can be mined, curated, organized and monetized.

Digital capital consists of the mechanisms that capture and monetize the data, and this is the very heart of the new digital economy as shown in the figure 9 below.

Unemployment (pp. 83-84)

….. Some economists and industry leaders assure us that the elimination of old jobs will be compensated by the birth of new kinds of jobs. The Luddite Fallacy states that rather than eliminating jobs, new technology simply changes the nature of jobs. When the British textile industry was mechanizing during the nineteenth-century Industrial Revolution, skilled handloom weavers rose in protest and destroyed the new power looms. They became known as Luddites, after their leader Ned Ludd. However, their fears were unrealized; productivity gains from industrialization resulted in greater wealth that was reinvested into society and created new jobs. Though the Luddites were right in the short term, they were wrong about the long-term impact of the new technology.

The pattern has repeated itself in economic history over the past two centuries. Agricultural automation in the West induced farmers to migrate to cities for factory jobs. And subsequent industrial automation led workers to move into the service sector. In each of these instances, the automation revolution went through three stages:

  1. It reduced the number of old style of workers in a given sector.
  2. Surplus workers migrated to other sectors and boosted production in new jobs.
  3. The cost of goods dropped which raised overall standards of living.

The Luddites did see an immediate loss of jobs and suffering from wage reduction, but their future generations were better off. The question now being debated is this: Will the pattern repeat itself with AI-driven automation? If so, the latest AI threat to jobs will merely be a short-term disruption eventually offset by long-term economic gains. Or will the paradigm be different this time?

My position on this is that AI is different compared to prior technological disruptions for several reasons. For one thing, the disruption is occurring faster and more dramatically than during prior waves of automation. Because the pace of automation was slow in previous revolutions, displaced workers had the opportunity for re-training, and the education system had time to adjust and provide workers with the latest skills. Farming automation was a slow process; it took multiple generations, allowing society to adapt to the economic shift. Middle-aged farm workers could continue in their jobs, while their children went on to get factory work. In other words, it was an intergenerational shift and did not necessarily affect the workers mid-career.

A report by Bain & Company titled “Labor 2030: The Collision of Demographics, Automation and Inequality” predicts abrupt changes in the next decade compared to the slow transitions of the past. Worker displacement will occur two to three times faster than during the prior shifts from agriculture (early 1900s) and from manufacturing (late 1900s). This is because the adoption rates for new technologies have been accelerating. When the telephone was invented, it took seventy-five years to reach fifty million users; the mobile phone only took twelve years after invention to reach that level. The adoption of smartphones took only four years to double from one billion to two billion. Artificial Intelligence adoption is thus likely to achieve dramatic penetration because of its exponential adoption rates across different applications.

Many workers will be caught mid-career when they expect, and need, to work for many more years. They will be too young to retire but too old to retrain easily.

Inequalities and Social Disruption (pp. 87)

Automation will create a dichotomy between new haves and have-nots. Massive unemployment will occur simultaneously with shortages of professionals in the latest technologies. Those who are technically qualified, possess the latest knowledge, and can work competitively in the new economy will be rewarded with high-paying jobs. These will be the new elites. Unfortunately, most workers will be left behind to face unemployment or eke out a meager living.

In the imminent future, society will have to acknowledge the existence of what I call the unemployable class. Additionally, the greater longevity that results from medical advances will further increase costs for the nonproductive elderly. Income disparity will become glaringly large and foment increased stratification between social classes. The middle class might virtually disappear, leaving a small upper class of elites and an exceptionally large lower class. Labor shortages will exist at the upper end, with a surplus of obsolete workers at the lower end.

Artificial Intelligence will exacerbate economic divisions by worsening the disparity that already exists. In the Global Wealth Report 2019, Credit Suisse Wealth Institute indicates that the top 1% of the world’s richest people own 45% of the world’s wealth; it provides the breakdown for major countries. According to one report the world’s 2,000 billionaires have more wealth than the bottom 4.6 billion people combined, and the richest 1% have more than the combined wealth of 6.9 billion people.

….. Most economists like to pacify the public with the claim that new jobs created by AI will compensate for the loss of old jobs, but this assertion does not address the problem for several reasons. As stated earlier, AI’s new jobs will not be located where old jobs are eliminated, but wherever the AI industry’s innovations and implementations are located. The Oxford Economics report indicates that job losses and gains will be unevenly distributed between countries, between regions of the same country, and even between different communities in the same region. The consumers who benefit from cheaper goods due to automation will be scattered around the world, whereas the communities that lose manufacturing jobs will be locally concentrated. In fact, Oxford Economics states: “increased industrial automation will tend to exacerbate the regional inequalities that already exist within advanced economies”.

….. The coronavirus pandemic will make the unemployment situation even worse for the most vulnerable people, exacerbating the problems caused by AI. One estimate is that this latest crisis could plunge another half a billion people into poverty and will adversely impact women more than men. The well-recognized gender pay gap even in developed countries like the US is likely to worsen due to the pandemic.

….. Despite these trends, a sizeable segment of millennials, especially those employed in the tech industry, subscribe to the optimistic view that AI will usher in an age of abundance and freedom for all. This attitude is an oversimplification resulting from a collective unwillingness to acknowledge reality and inability to reason with sophistication when confronted with uncomfortable truths.

Challenging the optimists (pp. 98)

To solidify my arguments, it is worth summarizing my response to the optimists. Their common counterargument to the potential devastation of AI is that the current wave of automation differs little from previous occurrences. During previous waves, machines were not replacing judgment, intuition and creativity. Artificial Intelligence is, however, encroaching even the highest levels of human cognition and intellect in fields like medicine, transportation, sports, media and the arts. Of course, some residual human jobs will remain, but these will be fewer and fewer. The open question is this: Is there a level of human function higher than what AI can replace? If so, what is it? The answers are speculative at best.

Contrary to popular reassurances by many economists, there is no guarantee that market forces will create enough new jobs to replace the old ones. Lawrence Summers, former Harvard president, chief economist at World Bank, and treasury secretary under former US president, Bill Clinton, told New York Times that we cannot stop technological change, nor can we “just suppose that everything’s going to be O.K. because the magic of the market will assure that’s true”.

Reports that do admit to the seriousness of the problem often pass the responsibility for solutions over to some unnamed billionaires. They assume large-scale altruism and philanthropy on the part of the top 1% to help the unemployed. Yet the idea of redistributing wealth from the rich to the poor through taxation is, at best, idealistic. Most proclamations on the importance of doing good fail to propose how to transform the human ego dramatically enough to make such altruistic visions real. How can we shift the rich and successful away from the intoxication of materialism and personal grandeur? The problem of limitless greed is old, and not easily solved.

Battlegound 2
Geopolitics and military – USA, China and India.
Disrupting the World Order (pp. 106)

….. The Industrial Revolution enabled Britain to surpass its European rivals and become the world’s largest empire, a position it held for almost two centuries.

There are some parallels between Britain’s rise to world domination and China’s ambitions to achieve the same. Artificial Intelligence is to China’s twenty-first-century rise to power what the Industrial Revolution was to Britain’s ascendance in the late 1700s.

However, unlike Britain, China’s recent rise to power is not its first experience of historical greatness. China has a long history as a preeminent nation with an advanced, regionally dominant civilization. Through ancient and medieval times, China enjoyed a high culture that produced technological innovations such as paper, movable-type printing, gunpowder, the compass, the mechanical clock, silk, acupuncture and porcelain. Few inventions are developed entirely in isolation; for millennia China enjoyed bidirectional intellectual trade with other countries that further enhanced some of its technologies.

Later on, China declined and became impoverished over several centuries. At the end of the Second World War, China’s people had been entrenched in poverty for several generations. China’s recent rise is a redevelopment—that is, China is a redeveloping, not a developing, nation. The ancient roots of its earlier prominence play an increasingly important role in defining its future identity on the world stage.

What is an entirely new kind of experience for China—in which it has a long learning curve ahead—is to build an empire that is global and not just in its geographical neighborhood. In this respect, its projection of hard power into far-flung places like Africa and Latin America are bold experiments.

Digital Colonization (pp.107)

….. The new AI-based power centers are located firmly in the US and China. A new era of colonization—namely, digital colonization—is already underway. The associated economic, social and political effects will devastate other countries, which will be relegated to the status of colonies or satellites. And China’s grip on its colonies will strengthen—including large parts of Africa and Latin America as well as Asian countries like Pakistan.

….. The AI investments in recent years, as well as forecasts for the future, have resulted in a heavy concentration of intellectual property, industrial assets and wealth generation in the US and China. PricewaterhouseCoopers has forecasted that the total world GDP will increase by up to 14% by the year 2030 as a result of AI, suggesting that almost sixteen trillion dollars of additional economic activity will be added to the world economy during this decade alone.

A United Nations 2019 report also offers an interesting perspective on technological dominance.

“China, the United States and Japan together account for 78 per cent of all AI patent filings in the world. USA and China account for 75 per cent of all patents related to blockchain technologies, 50 per cent of global spending on internet-of-things, at least 75 per cent of the cloud computing market, and 90 per cent of the market capitalization value of the world’s 70 largest digital platform companies.” (United Nations Conference on Trade and Development, Digital Economy Report 2019, 8-9, xvi.)

..… In summary, AI-driven disruptions will precipitate the dawn of the age of digital colonialism. Because economies of scale figure significantly in the development and management of AI technology, the haves and have-nots in AI will be a decisive factor in determining the fate of nations. Some will win big, and others will be forced out of the race. The countries with the biggest databases, the largest budgets, and the most experience with deployment will eclipse others in AI. Digital domination will translate into profits and, consequently, increased investment capacity over those that fall behind. The gap between leaders and laggards will be practically impossible to close; in fact, due to the exponential growth of technology, the gap is likely to widen. The low-wage comparative advantage of developing countries is rapidly fading away because AI-based automation will eliminate most low-level factory jobs.

Those countries left behind are destined for digital colonization in the same way the Industrial Revolutions enslaved many parts of the world. Countries starting late in the AI race will eventually give up, forced to accept their fate as a second-tier player and becoming, in effect, a dependent nation or even a virtual colony.

Data Exploitation (pp. 113)

….. Poor countries lack the sophistication and clarity to negotiate, and therefore their valuable data is pilfered by foreign parties over whom they have no control. In most cases, these countries do not even know who has taken what data or how it is being used. Consequently, they are unable to assert sovereignty claims over their own native data. Rich countries, led by the US, aggressively complain about stolen intellectual property, but they have conveniently avoided classifying data as intellectual property.

Perhaps the most egregious form of economic exploitation today is the export of free raw data and the import of value-added information products that use this data. In some cases, biased agreements spell out how developing countries receive modest amounts of technology and network connectivity in exchange for giving up vast amounts of data. Zimbabwe, for example, has signed such a deal with the Chinese company CloudWalk. The Zimbabwean government receives surveillance technology, and in return CloudWalk receives facial recognition data on Zimbabwe citizens. The Chinese will effectively own and control private data on Zimbabwe’s citizens, a potentially powerful political weapon in the future.

….. Google’s high-altitude balloons and Facebook’s drones are projects that those companies claim will benefit millions in Africa by connecting them onto the global knowledge highways. But such deception merely panders to the feel-good headspace of ignorant politicians of poor countries that happily give up their data sovereignty.

We know about the horrible debt traps that have yoked many developing countries to creditors in rich countries. The UN warns that in the future, “Developing countries may risk ending up in a ‘data trap,’ at the lower levels of the data value chains and become dependent on global digital platforms”.

Return of the East India Company (pp.116)

….. The AI-based concentration of power has taken on a terrifying new aspect. When we think of global power, countries like the US, China, and Russia readily come to mind. But today, private companies are accumulating immense power based on their ability to leverage AI and big data as tools to influence, manipulate and even control the minds of people.

Some of these private companies may soon become more powerful than many nation-states, but the shift will not be obvious. They will not fly a flag or manage a currency (although some are attempting to launch their own cryptocurrency), and they will not wield military power, at least not directly. However, their unprecedented knowledge of people and things around the world, coupled with their ability to disrupt and alter the physical world and manipulate people’s choices, will lead to a new nexus of power. Such companies will decide who will, and who will not, be given access to this new form of power, and on what terms.

Not one Indian company is a player in this league. Most unfortunate is that a large number of talented Indians work for American and Chinese companies in an individual capacity, including in top executive positions, but not as owners. Indians who do own companies tend to sell their stake when the right offer comes along. Whenever innovative entrepreneurs anywhere in the world develop a promising breakthrough, digital giants or venture firms that serve as their proxies are waiting to buy them out. As a result, hundreds of instant millionaires are being created at the individual level, including many living in India.

I view this trend as the return of Britain’s East India Company, which started out in 1600 as a modest private company for the purpose of making profit from lucrative trade with India. Over its 250-year history, the East India Company became the world’s largest private business, amassing more wealth, income and military power than even its own British government. Despite being a private company, it became a colonial power—collecting taxes, operating courts, and running the military and other functions of state across many kingdoms within India. At the time, the East India Company had more ships, soldiers, money and territory under its control than any European government, though now it is remembered as a rogue machine. Since then, the lines between government and private companies have often blurred.

China's ambitious plan (pp. 122)

….. China started out with a long-term strategy for climbing the ladder of higher value-added manufacturing. Its strategic planners identified futuristic industries to target and with remarkable precision, determined which technologies would become critical to the future AI revolution. Today’s game-changing technologies were anticipated by China ahead of most countries and the country positioned itself based on that vision.

….. China’s vision statements are not just talking points meant to impress audiences and make the public feel good. These strategies are implemented at the deepest levels of society and its institutions. China has stronger government–industry alliances than any other major country, its R&D investments are paying off, its standard of public-school education has been rising at a rate typical of world leaders, it has harnessed more data into its AI systems than any other country, and its population is sold on the idea that surveillance using big data is in the long-term national interest.

China innovates in several cutting-edge technologies. At the center of the advanced technology being developed and produced in China is AI, and the technology permeates each industry to its core. In fact, China is currently producing more patents in certain advanced technologies than any other country, including the US.

The export surplus from manufacturing has stocked China’s treasury with cash to finance an impressive war chest. In fact, China is currently a major lender to the US government and utilizes this economic clout to successfully negotiate with US authorities, both governmental and corporate.

Betting the Future on AI (pp. 127)

The Chinese government made a bold bet by placing AI at the center of its strategic vision to leapfrog ahead of the US in every major field by 2050. Its ambitious plan established milestones and measurable benchmarks to assess progress along the way. They have achieved their benchmarks thus far. China is committed to becoming the worldwide center of AI innovation by the year 2030, including not only AI itself but also the wide array of breakthrough technologies enabled by, and associated with it, such as quantum computing and microchip design.

These comprehensive plans address educating the Chinese people in the latest technologies as well as deploying these technologies in every aspect of their public and private lives. To this end, Chinese venture capital investing in AI constituted a massive 48% of global venture funding in 2017, surpassing the US for the first time.

China’s ambition is based on forecasts that predict AI technologies will engender a productivity leap on a scale comparable to that of the eighteenth-century Industrial Revolution. It is estimated that AI-related products and services will cause a sixteen trillion-dollar increase in global GDP by 2030. The Chinese intend to capture almost half of this total increase, approximately $7 trillion, while North America’s share is estimated to be lower at $3.7 trillion.

US Government responses (pp. 143)

Though China was quite open about its global ambitions during the past two decades, the US did not consider it a serious threat until recently. The US had bought into China’s public posture that both would be friendly superpowers and the rise of China would expand the global economy for the benefit of all. Also, the US felt that converting China into free market capitalism would be a moral and ideological victory.

….. The US government is now actively throwing its weight to counteract China’s AI initiatives that pose a national security threat. For instance, the hardware technology for AI has been declared a national security asset by the US and bans have been imposed to prevent this technology from getting into Chinese hands.

….. What this means to the book’s thesis is that all other countries, especially India, will feel the impact of the US vs China cold war. India will face increasing challenges in its attempt to become a totally independent and neutral country with superpower status. At the same time, India is far too large and complex to become a satellite of either the US or China. The impact on other countries will be severe as well. There is a real danger of the world slipping into a phase of recolonization in which the US and China compete for territories and imperialistic influences just as the European powers—Britain, France, Holland, Portugal and Spain—did in the sixteenth to nineteenth centuries. The strategic weapons that were the game changers were devices like navigation and canons. Now there are the new technologies we have been discussing—with AI as the umbrella bringing them together and serving as the force multiplier.

Battlegound 3
The Moronization of the masses – bowing down to the digital deities
Artificial Emotional Intelligence (pp. 156)

…. The term artificial emotional intelligence refers to the following kinds of abilities:

  • Predicting individual behavior by modeling emotional patterns. Artificial Intelligence can develop emotional profiles of individuals that enable a machine to evaluate someone’s psychological state.
  • Substituting for human contact by providing emotional interaction. Artificial Intelligence is becoming adept at reading and responding to emotions like a human.
  • Influencing moods and shifting people’s choices toward a product or idea with emotional value. With the ability to masquerade as human, AI can make people feel good about themselves, boost their self-esteem, and reinforce specific ideas. It can make them feel happy or sad or convince them to choose a certain movie, buy a specific product, fall in love with someone, start hating someone or something, and so forth.

In performing emotional functions, the machine is not expected to achieve perfection—but neither can human beings perfectly perform such tasks. If the machine’s emotional performance is sufficiently on par with that of humans, it will replace humans at some point or at least augment the emotional work of humans.

….. The branches of AI dealing with artificial emotional intelligence are galloping ahead because machines are no longer limited to well-structured tasks and can now deal with ambiguous situations. Ad hoc tasks involving instincts, intuition and creativity are also subject to automation. While the extent to which AI will be able to perform such tasks is uncertain, some cognitive functions are already becoming automated.

….. The broad goal of all these fields and subfields is to understand human cognition, replace or augment humans with machines, and influence people’s choices. These functions are already being widely used for clinical medicine, political analysis, customer service, market research, and business strategy. Considerable research, however, is still needed before models can understand and replicate human common sense, which is implicit knowledge and often unconsciously ingrained in human interactions.

Dumbing Down the Masses (pp. 161)

People’s memories are atrophying because they constantly depend on online searches and intelligent devices for information. As memory atrophies, attention span shortens, leading to a decline in study habits. At the same time, digital users artificially inflate their egos through social media platforms like Facebook and Twitter, with instant popularity measured by the number of likes or followers, sometimes running into millions. While these activities enhance social status—indeed, some social media stars consider themselves a new class of celebrities and intellectuals—they also contribute to a greater dependency on, and addiction to, social media. Ultimately, such users become dependent on social media for their self-esteem and psychological well-being. This cognitive reengineering is not a passing fad but the likely future being driven by the latest AI technology. I use the term ‘moronization’ to refer to this dumbing down of large portions of humanity.

This is unlikely to reverse because, contrary to popular belief that human cognition is somehow sacrosanct, algorithmic modeling of emotions, psychological characteristics and mental faculties is already delivering practical applications. Such applications, of course, render humans highly susceptible to emotional seduction by digital systems.

Artificial Pleasures and Emotions (pp. 165)

By manipulating hormones, neurotransmitters, neural networks, and eventually artificial memories, machines are rigging our human physiology to produce pleasure and avoid pain. Certain kinds of private experiences are already being technologically engineered to alter individuals’ emotional states.

One active area of research is the modeling of human weakness and vulnerability. Machine learning systems score the likelihood of users being diverted from reading something on their screen. When a pop-up appears on the screen, the machine learning system tracks the messages that are most successful in grabbing a given user’s attention. Various kinds of cognitive stimuli are devised and tested, and the responses are recorded and stored in a database that can be accessed by AI systems and used to construct a detailed map of an individual’s psychology.

This map provides insights into psychological behavior patterns. How likely are users to be diverted by, for example, an ad for a product for which they recently searched? Or perhaps by pornography? Or by a specific political conspiracy theory or the news of an impending alarming event? Models identify how specific individuals are fickle or susceptible to flattery, to techniques that feed their hunger for attention, and to the types of entertaining diversions that make their humdrum lives more exciting.

The cognitive mapping of hundreds of millions of people’s emotions, likes, dislikes, preferences and vulnerabilities is taking place in a very scientific manner. Their activities are recorded in a variety of formats including voice, text, images, handwriting, biometrics, buying habits, interpersonal communications, travel options and entertainment preferences. Machines have become extremely clever at not only capturing private information but also understanding the meaning and purpose of human activities.

….. Researchers are experimenting with physical implants that will take VR and AR systems to new heights for the gratification of sensory delights. Just as talkies replaced silent movies, a new generation of movies in which feelings are transmitted directly to viewers through implants is predicted to be available in the future. Virtual Reality can be used, for example, to provide the sense of walking around the neighborhood, even if one is physically confined at home.

Addictive Behavior Programming (pp. 168)

Numerous books and consultants specialize in teaching AI companies how to capture users through their emotions. Hooked: How to Build Habit-Forming Products by Nir Eyal examines human desires and weaknesses to make what are called sticky apps. The intent is to map out users’ emotional characteristics, especially their vulnerabilities, and then tap into that map to create a customized AI intervention that manipulates a specific desire. Sticky apps provide outlets for suppressed desires, such as the urge to watch pornography, go on an exotic journey, or indulge the fantasy of being a popular public figure. Once someone’s hidden desires are identified, the content is selected to satisfy them. Those who long to travel can do so via AR goggles that will transport them to the place of their dreams. Designers of online hooks exploit people’s tendency to seek relief from stress. Based on the idea that people prefer excitement to boredom and contentment to anxiety, digital marketing companies substitute artificial gratification to intervene and manipulate users’ emotions.

Some manipulative systems contrive scarcity as a gimmick to enhance the perceived value; online retailers often state “only three items left” to create a sense of urgency and play on the user’s fear of missing out. Other systems encourage users to invest in experiences which deepen their dependence on the system. For example, the exciting conversations held on a social media platform could become a precious part of one’s social relations, making it difficult to abandon them and start all over again on a new platform.

….. The process of psychological manipulation is designed to change behavior. The initial hook offers users a perceived benefit that the target group cannot resist; the system then makes it progressively harder for them to disengage. The resulting transfer of power is both gradual and unconscious. Facebook, YouTube and Twitter freely deliver a wide range of user experiences that consumers find difficult to resist. Artificial Intelligence systems have figured out the most powerful, irresistible desires for all kinds of individuals, and fulfills them. An entire field of research specializes in designing systems of instant gratification and addiction.

….. The playbook of the AI giants is eventually to have the maximum number of humans go through life on autopilot. People find comfort in automatic behavior that demands little or no conscious thought. Delegating one’s agency to a machine is like trusting a friend. This frees up the conscious mind to pay attention to more important activities. One day, consumers—and voters—will make very few free choices and will be rewarded for living mostly in autopilot mode.

Yet few people ever consider the ramifications of this transfer of power because they are blinded by the fulfillment of their desires. Most people are not balancing—nor even conscious of—the trade-off between the gain in gratification and efficiency and their loss of free will.

Digital Slavery (pp. 177)

A common technique for training AI systems is to throw a variety of stimuli at people simply for the purpose of measuring their emotional response. By tracking and analyzing responses, machines develop ever more sophisticated psychological maps of people, and in the process become emotionally savvy.

….. The system monitors users and creates a personalized predictive model, or map, of their private psychology. The right illustrates how digital platforms use these personalized predictive models to create what I call happy morons. Exploiting their predictive models, machines offer inducements (or threats) to drive behavior and addict users to the platform and its alleged benefits.

..… Facebook uses tens of thousands of factors such as clicks, likes, shares, comments and personal interests to determine users’ news feed. Its marketing material solicits advertisers by bragging how well it can influence the emotions of users by such manipulations. Depending on what is in the best commercial interests of Facebook, its algorithms decide how to filter the information presented to each individual user. It is important to note that there is no such thing as an objective choice of content being made on our behalf.

..… Social media has become the newest opium of the masses. Digital platforms distract and control the masses with addictive content to keep them mesmerized. Users’ reactions are then analyzed, and the responses incorporated into the system in a never-ending cycle that makes algorithms ever more effective at manipulating behavior. In effect, people surrender their agency and willingly enter a system of digital slavery.

The Battle For Aesthetics (pp. 185)

The strategy of aestheticized power is a brilliant method to deceive people and give them a false sense of pride. It pushes emotional buttons that influence people’s psychology and override their pragmatic interests.

The latest aestheticization of power is now being implemented by the digital platforms—the delivery of customized user experiences that machine learning has identified as those to which given individuals are most susceptible. Dumbing down users and addicting them to sensual gratification and intense emotions makes them more prone to aestheticization as a method of exploitation.

The use of aesthetics can be an effective means to capture power in a pragmatic sense. A crude example would be winning over someone’s heart and using the emotional attachment to siphon off their money. A more sophisticated example is the diplomatic offer of military support to another country to achieve the pragmatic goal of getting troops into that country. We are also familiar with the way missionaries win over poor people by giving them gifts at a time of vulnerability, only to convert them and turn them into a political vote bank. The sequence of events is depicted in the figure.

Battlegound 4
Loss of selfhood to artificial emotions and gratifications.
Algorithmic Biology

….. Many technologists and futurists view living organisms as mere algorithms in which concepts like free will are meaningless. They model a human as a bag of meat driven solely by biochemical and electronic processes that we recognize as sensations, emotions, thoughts and even selfhood. Artificial Intelligence and neuroscience collaborate to produce interventions at various levels of our cognitive apparatus (see Figure 18); in effect, creating the means to hijack all the natural mechanisms that produce our emotions and thus drive our behavior.

The world’s largest wealth creation in recent times is emerging from the digital economy driven by computer algorithms that model human behavior at the deepest levels. This economy is going to get even bigger. The corporate giants of the future will deconstruct people into separately manageable biological processes and then use neural networks to monitor, understand and manipulate them. The self is being broken down into a definable series of sensations, emotions and thoughts. Each component of the self lends itself to external engagement by AI machines.

In these reductionist models, the self is nothing more than a pragmatic construct that serves as the nexus of individual desires and actions. The computerization of physiology and the use of AI to exploit biology and neuroscience will revolutionize commerce and industry, including shopping, entertainment, tourism, sex, games and sports, socializing and politics. Hardly any field will remain untouched.

Hacking Nature’s Learning Systems (pp. 209)

The marriage between the life sciences and AI will disrupt existing societal norms. A new paradigm—considering the physical body as an organic computer—is emerging. In this paradigm, organic computers carry out biological processes the same way that silicon-based computers perform algorithms. Human physical and mental functions can be modeled as a set of algorithms running on the organic hardware that we know as our physical body.

Life scientists also claim to be able to use non-living mechanical systems to replicate the behavior of living systems. In effect, although they will not say so explicitly, this development is tantamount to creating what may be called artificial life. It is worth reiterating that such systems are not conscious, and further, that intelligence can be independent of consciousness. If our concern is with functionality in the world and not with the metaphysics of what we call life, it does seem reasonable to consider that such systems in fact behave like artificial life. This is to say, these are non-living systems that mimic the outward behavior of living systems. Figure 19 shows the ways life sciences and computer sciences are already collaborating.

The Assault on Spiritualism (pp. 214)

Reductionism is an analytical method that breaks down a system for deeper examination. These constituent parts are themselves composites of smaller parts, or subsystems. The reductionist process of dividing systems into ever smaller parts is carried out at as many levels as one can. As the reductionistic models move further from the holistic sense of a unified selfhood, systems are, simply speaking, considered nothing more than the sum of their parts.

Basically, algorithms can be broken down into smaller algorithms, which consist of even smaller algorithms. But in the end, an algorithm has no self. The notion of an algorithm having a self is meaningless in the reductionist approach.

A similar process takes place in the practice of Vedanta, where the self (often referred to as the ego) is deconstructed as a false sense of unity. In the perspective of ultimate existence, no ego actually exists. However, Vedanta and scientific reductionism differ in one critical aspect: The deconstruction of parts leads in opposite directions.

In the case of Vedanta, the deconstruction of the objects of inquiry—physical, mental, and emotional objects that occupy our cognition—is only one step. The subject of inquiry—the who am I question—is what leads to the final outcome. The process of deconstruction is carried out through various prescribed means. One method is jnana or knowledge; another is through dhyana or deep meditation; yet another is through karma at the level where action occurs spontaneously without any sense of being the agent of action; and finally, bhakti or complete surrender of the algorithmic self (i.e. ego) to the divine. Upon the cognitive dissolution of the ego, all experience is recognized as springing from a deeper level of being and a sense of more profound Absolute Self—with a capital S—known as the Atman.

Although the conventionally experienced self is discovered to be false in Vedanta, it is replaced by the permanent, and far more profound, Atman.

In the case of biological materialism discussed in the preceding pages, only a collection of physical parts exists with nothing beyond the physical.

….. The reductionist algorithmic model posits that sensations are nothing more than physical, biological processes. In the same way, emotions and thoughts are merely physical processes, implying that they are susceptible to external intervention, manipulation and substitution.

According to this model, feelings, emotions and thoughts from biological systems somehow mysteriously coalesce into what we call the self—the constituent parts of the greater whole, the human being. The so-called human machine assumes a self only as a biological necessity. In the evolutionary process, the self was an important psychological construct that served as the nexus for the biological machine’s success, a survival strategy in the face of challenges. Evolutionary competitiveness determined the outcome: Biological entities without a notion of self were handicapped and failed to evolve the best survival skills. They lost out to competing entities that developed a presumed sense of self and behaved according to that sense. This argument is analogous to the idea that a sports team or an army has a better chance of winning if the group has a cohesive identity comprising all its members, compared to a rival group that lacks a collective selfhood. The self is simply an identity that serves the pragmatic function of competitiveness.

Self-Defeating Humanism (pp. 225)

Humanism posits that absolute truth does not exist independently of what humans have constructed. What we think of as the meaning and purpose of life is actually a set of shared narratives consisting of stories, metaphysics, laws, cultures, and so on. Such traditions enjoy a public consensus, providing a social and ideological contract among peoples, and this serves as the foundation on which society functions. In other words, all grand narratives are collectively manufactured stories with a practical purpose: to provide us with meaning in what we do. They are the glue, even if at times the crazy glue, that holds society together.

…The core myth that characterizes liberalism is this: There is no transcendental intelligence, and we must be guided by the human-centric starting point. Humans possess free will, and this free will must be accorded the highest empowerment. Liberal politics empower the voter. Liberal economics empower the customer. Liberal aesthetics empower people to define their own ideas of beauty. Liberal ethics entitle everyone to pursue happiness, however they define it. Liberal education empowers free thought. Modern science and technology are built on the liberal premise of humankind’s rights and powers over the cosmos.

Ironically, AI is on the course to overthrow liberalism and its substratum, humanism. Yet this new AI technology is itself a creation of humanism through the following process:

  1. The rubric of humanism assumes that the cosmos has the meaning and purpose people have assigned to it. In other words, meaning and purpose are whatever we all accept by broad consensus.
  2. Liberalism’s pursuit of human empowerment has taken us to new heights of scientific and technological achievement.
  3. These very advances are now manipulating us to become increasingly dependent on machines to deliver longer lifespans, physical and cognitive pleasures, and a sense of unlimited power through the technological conquest of nature.
  4. Such machine domination can only occur at the cost of disempowering ordinary humans. The biggest casualty is free will, the very core of liberalism. Smart machines, owned and controlled by a small number of individuals and business entities, will manage more and more of society’s functions. Humans voluntarily give up their free will as machines become smarter and take over their thought and agency.
  5. Downgrading the importance of the individual amounts to humanism’s ideological defeat by its own products.

In other words, the products of humanism are defeating the myth of humanism.

The Crash of Civilization (pp. 250)

Once AI has taken control of the social sciences research apparatus, it will create a new grand narrative that will make the obsolescence of human agency and labor seem normal, even desirable. For instance, some thinkers already recommend that to resolve the crisis of unemployment, society should decouple work from social status. Unemployed people would then be afforded human dignity by being guaranteed basic needs including entertainment, and the loss of employment would not carry its current social stigma. In effect, these authors are preparing humanity for large-scale unemployment by somehow making it desirable to passively enjoy the sensory delights offered by new AI technologies without having to work.

People will accept this shift as a gift: they will no longer have to work or even make choices for themselves. They will gladly become subservient to whatever customized pleasures are doled out to them; machines will run their lives for them, for their own good. Dumbed-down people will be provided with all their emotional needs and gratification, which will, in turn, make them even more passive and easily controlled, thus paving the way for a small number of artificially augmented superhumans to become the new elite.

I call such a disruption of society the crash of civilization. During this period, the humans being downgraded will still need to be fed and have their emotional and psychological needs met.

Battlegound 5
Stress-testing the Indian Rashtra.
Excerpt 1 (pp. 261)

….. My research on the likely impact of AI on India has entailed numerous conversations with thought leaders and the study of the written materials available. NITI Aayog, India’s leading government policy think tank, has provided helpful reports on the subject. I also recently read Bridgital Nation: Solving Technology’s People Problem written by the Indian industrialist, Natarajan Chandrasekaran, chairman of Tata Sons.

….. Most reports I have read on AI’s impact on India adopt the framework used by Western industry analysts as their starting point and fine tune the conclusions by plugging in Indian statistics. There is a lack of fresh studies that start from the ground up in India, beginning at the grassroots and working up, rather than going top-down from the West to Indian corporates and then further down.

Some of the glaring blind spots are as follows:

  1. The focus of most reports is on the big corporates. The impact on the bottom 500 million Indians in economic status, if considered at all, is addressed as an afterthought.
  2. Most reports do not build financial models to accurately estimate the capital and operating expenses involved in implementing AI. Their forecasts are largely based on surveying industry executives and employees with leading questions of a positive kind, while avoiding the troubling issues except in passing. Many respondents are not sufficiently informed about AI to give useful views of the future.
  3. The problems of unemployment and inequalities are brushed aside as non-issues: The conclusions of some Western reports that new jobs will replace old ones is quickly assumed to be applicable to India without due diligence on the details.

What is not considered are the following:

  1. The new jobs created by AI will help a different social-economic demographic group, i.e. those with high standards of education that very few Indian youths get. These few privileged youths with good education are quickly bought off and plucked away to build intellectual property for Western multinationals. But the jobs lost will be from the lower- and middle-class workers that are poorly educated and insufficiently skilled.
  2. Many of the new jobs in AI will be geographically concentrated in places like Silicon Valley and Bengaluru. This will exacerbate the rich versus poor geographical divides within India as well as between developed and developing countries.
  3. The new AI related jobs will go to the youth and not the middle-aged workers displaced at the peak of their careers. The speed of disruption is too fast to allow the present generation of workers to continue employment for their remaining careers. They will become obsolete in their vulnerable middle-age. This is a serious inter-generational disruption.
  4. The financial burden of the massive re-education of millions of workers is not something we can assume the corporates will automatically do. The rosy promises of re-training workers are simply not backed by credible commitments. In fact, some reports suggest that such talk by industry leaders serves as good public relations to mask the calamity of unemployment, by kicking the can down the road rather than dealing with it…..

….. India has recently started taking AI seriously, but the response is weak and has come rather late. China and the US have a head start of more than a decade, and it will be difficult for India to catch up. The ramifications of being left behind will be serious. Further, India’s path forward is crippled by several factors.

  • India’s budget for AI development is tiny compared to levels in the US and China.
  • The main opportunity in AI that has been identified is for Indians to supply labor for foreign clients. Subordination to other countries will perpetuate the problem of Indians serving as the labor class that builds intellectual property assets for others.
  • Many AI start-ups in India are funded by foreign companies with deep pockets and a tentacled hold, so that the occasional Indian success story is quickly acquired and digested into the global brand. Those that are funded domestically often look to sell out to foreign tech giants as their exit strategy. Examples include Halli Labs and Sigmoid Labs, both AI start-ups in India that got acquired by Google.
  • Many Indian start-ups are “me-too” copycats offering little original intellectual property leadership—mimicking a foreign platform, Uber, Amazon, or Airbnb, etc……

….. India’s pride often includes the feeling that it is the vishvaguru, or the guru of the world, at least in a spiritual sense. But what is seldom discussed in these proclamations is that such a lofty status also brings corresponding karmic responsibilities. In claiming such a status, has India succeeded or failed in its responsibilities?

Indeed, there is great enthusiasm in India about becoming a global soft power. For instance, India has adopted the posture of leading the world’s yoga movement and is starting to do the same in Ayurveda. The film industry and other popular cultural movements have already become established in the global discourse as Indian exports.

However, the following reality check needs to be considered.

Culture ≠ soft power: Just because a country has a wonderful and robust popular culture does not necessarily mean that it has turned this into any power per se. Soft power is the ability to influence others’ policies according to one’s own interests. Culture, exotica, and tourism are separate entities from soft power. It is a persuasive power over others in a pragmatic sense. Only when culture is transformed into concrete influence over others does it become soft power. Despite their growing popularity, yoga and Ayurveda do not constitute soft power for India. In fact, the Ayurveda certification in Western countries is not controlled from India. The New York-based Yoga Alliance is advancing its goal of standardizing yoga practices decoupled from Indian traditions. The Indian government’s efforts to spread awareness of yoga are commendable, but they have not produced any power per se.

Hard power as a foundation for soft power: The real question to ask is whether soft power is sustainable without hard power. Is soft power by itself viable? Or is that merely the fallback position of those that fail to compete in the hard power kurukshetra (battleground), a cover for their weakness by claiming soft power as a consolation prize?

Individual success ≠ collective soft power: India is also justifiably proud that its diaspora is asserting its Indian identity and has excelled as doctors, technology entrepreneurs, financial industry experts, pharma industry leaders, chefs, filmmakers, and other professionals. Indians head some of the world’s largest multinational companies. There is, however, a big difference between the power of individuals for their own personal success and the power of India’s institutions for global impact. There is a difference between Indians using their heritage for personal gain and those sacrificing their personal success for a greater national interest.

Exporting Manpower And Importing Technology (pp. 278)

The telecom and information technology revolution, including the spread of the internet, mobile telephones, and social media, has been largely pioneered by Western firms. But it is fair to say that Indian engineers played a significant role as employees and contractors working for the companies that own the intellectual property.

At the same time, India has become one of the largest markets importing these technologies. India is proud of having the fastest-growing installed base of mobile users, but the technology used in the networks is largely US and European, and the handsets are mainly Chinese. India takes pride in that it has the second-highest number of internet users in the world, and this number is growing faster than any other country. India also has among the world’s largest installed bases of users on Facebook, WhatsApp, Instagram, Twitter, and YouTube. Indians buy mostly Chinese hardware and use it to access US digital platforms. These facts indicate Indians’ eagerness as consumers of foreign products and services, but also highlight the failure of domestic technology developers. Even when manufacturing is done in India due to cost advantages, the research and engineering controlled by foreign entities give them the power over intellectual property.

….. My concern is that India has failed to adequately educate the youth and enable them to realize their potential. The civilization that was once a world-class knowledge producer and exporter has become the biggest importer and consumer of foreign products and services—from agriculture to technology. Even in the realm of accolades, Indians chase Academy Awards, Nobel Prizes, Pulitzer Prizes, Rhodes Scholarships, Fulbright Scholarships, and various other international awards, much more than domestic recognitions of achievement.

….. To understand how India has slipped, consider the following analogy. Suppose a contractor recruits poor villagers from Bihar and brings them to Delhi as laborers on a construction site. The laborers do not own any equity in the project, not so much as a single brick. The bricks they install belong to the client who owns the building. When the construction project is completed, workers must look for the next job, and then yet another one. Their labor does not translate into any equity or long-term security. But the contractor organizing this labor makes a handsome profit quickly with little effort or value added.

At first this arrangement looks promising for the workers, because they can send money home to support their struggling families. And they may earn enough money to buy some consumer goods that are the envy of people back in the village. Maybe they own a fancy smart phone or a scooter. Compared to others in the village, their lifestyle is superior. They are the village heroes, and their parents are proud. They are sought after as a good catch for marriage.

India’s software lead was similarly based on labor arbitrage with foreign clients, which is inherently a rickety business model in the long run. The middlemen in India hired computer programmers for low salaries compared to Western levels. They marked up the rates and sold cheap Indian labor to foreign, particularly US, companies. Clients saved money because the wage rates in the US were much higher than in India even after the markups. This system appeared to bolster India’s economy. But in the long run, labor arbitrage is self-defeating as explained below:

Only in the past few years did India’s government and corporations wake up when the US started clamping down on outsourcing, and when Indian tech workers sent to the US also faced increasing competition from American professionals. Labor arbitrage does have value for the short term, bringing quick employment and helping train the local workforce. But the middlemen should not accumulate wealth at the expense of workers, and government planners should not consider it as a sustainable strategy.

  • It only works if Indian wages remain sufficiently low compared to the client country. Indian tech workers must be kept below a wage ceiling for the model to remain viable. But suppressing wages merely encourages the best minds to leave India in search of fair compensation.
  • Other developing countries also enter the same field using their own low wages as an advantage, and they may underbid the Indian wages.
  • Client countries inevitably tighten immigration laws to save their own jobs. India’s export becomes contingent on the internal politics of the client country.
Population Tsunami (pp. 296)

….. India has touted its large youth population as a demographic dividend rather than looking at it as a mixed blessing. Young people do have hands to work with, but they also have stomachs to feed. And those hands are productive only if they have jobs. The reality is that a large amount of resources—food, energy, housing, education, etc.—are having to be spent on subsidizing the basic needs of hundreds of millions of people. Urgent government intervention is being required in many regions for basic services such as food and drinking water, land reforms, housing, education, power and fuel, infrastructure, farming, industries, employment, and public health. The larger the population, the greater this burden and the more it drags down global competitiveness. The rate at which new jobs must be created to control unemployment is greater than the economy can genuinely produce. To meet the demand for new jobs, the underlying economy would need to grow at a much faster pace, and consistently rather than in spurts.

To make matters even worse, large-scale migrations from Bangladesh and Nepal are adding to India’s population. These migrants are mostly extremely poor and uneducated, becoming liabilities on India’s economy and infrastructure. Unplanned rapid urbanization is causing heavy congestion in the cities. In 1975, 20% of the population lived in urban areas; by 2030 this figure will rise to 40%. The need for urban infrastructure and facilities is skyrocketing even as overurbanization increases congestion, pollution, and demand for public services. Clearly, India faces huge challenges in balancing the asymmetries between population, resources, and technology.

The implication of all this is that India’s exceptionally large population is an albatross that will amplify the challenges of AI. India is neither nimble enough, nor adequately prepared, to navigate through the rapidly changing technological landscape. If, hypothetically, India had only a fraction of its population, it could advance with the use of modern technology. In reality, too many people are chasing too few resources.

Uneducated and Unemployable (pp. 299)

Even after decades of Independence, a large portion of India’s population is uneducated. Enrollment is slightly above 50% in higher secondary schools, and only 25% at the university level. Half the children in grade five cannot read a grade two text, and less than 30% in grade three are able to do even basic subtraction. Women have a lower participation rate than men; the middle level of education among women is almost completely missing. Only 30% of Indians have a secondary school education, designated for ages fourteen-eighteen. About 66% of the workforce has only an eighth-grade education. Only a tiny portion of workers have any kind of formal vocational training.

Because of the abysmally pathetic education standard, too many Indians are deficient in rudimentary knowledge, reading skills, and learning habits and suffer from short attention spans—a characteristic that makes them gullible and inclined to chase emotional sensations and experiences rather than pursue knowledge. Even those who have formal school certificates often lack job skills and are deficient in analytical competence.

…… The sad truth is that most Indians, particularly the youth, are poorly educated by world standards and a large percentage are unemployable. Mediocre education and lack of training make Indians especially vulnerable to AI’s inevitable disruption in the fiercely competitive global labor market. Yet, discussion of these shortcomings is considered politically incorrect. India has recently introduced a new education policy which shows the authorities are aware of the problem. But it requires a detailed evaluation before one could pass judgment on its merits.

The silver lining behind all these grim facts is that surveys of Indian workers in the corporate sector indicate they are among the most enthusiastic in the world about wanting to learn and use digital technologies. Most of them want careers that offer both formal training and on-the-job training. They are even willing to have their work habits monitored by surveillance systems. However, very few in the workforce have been educated in India’s elite institutions and these brightest and best employees quickly get picked up for lucrative jobs with large multinationals, which are in effect buying off the cream of India’s youth whose education was paid from public funding. The vast majority of youth are left behind because of India’s abysmal investment in primary and secondary school education.

India Is For Sale (pp. 303)

There is a risk that India is already well on its way toward digital colonization; its strategy on AI is not even an effective defense, much less a plan for a leadership role in the AI epoch. Yet Indian intellectuals fail to address the issue with enough seriousness. In fact, some well-meaning persons have advised me to avoid writing on this topic because it might upset the fragile psychological equilibrium of many Indians.

Most leaders are fully aware that India has big data unique to its immense diversity of genetics, culture, and natural resources. However, most of India’s big data assets are sitting in raw unorganized form and not integrated; disconnected ministries have jurisdictions over the silos. Such fragmented data is sometimes being siphoned off by foreign entities that understand its value more than the Indian authorities do. These national assets should not be given away by foolish officials and politicians.

….. Indians, both in their individual capacity and as officials running institutions, are supplying precious data to train foreign AI systems, and these models are used to understand and engage the Indian mindset in a variety of situations either openly or secretly.

Artificial Intelligence systems have been processing immense amounts of raw data to develop psychological profiles for various segments of the Indian population. Machine learning systems are figuring out Indians’ most intense desires that can be used to get them hooked. These systems analyze what various users like and dislike, their habits, strengths and vulnerabilities, key relationships, shopping interests, ideological leanings, affiliations, and so forth. Facebook, Twitter, and Google know more about Indians than social scientists, government, gurus, or even the people themselves. This gives them the power to influence the public.

Indians are addicted to the foreign digital ecosystem and depend on it to communicate among themselves and to transact critical services across all sectors of society. Foreign social media platforms choose which individuals and messages will go viral, and hence control the image, career, and social profile of Indians. They undermine the traditional sources of authority, replacing them with algorithms. In the name of fairness and the public interest, they censor and manipulate users by injecting their own ideological premises in the social discourse. Every time there is a public controversy or scandal, these US companies take sides under the pretext of social responsibility. This is exactly the rationale the British colonizers gave for their meddling and divide-and-rule policies. This is social engineering in the digital age.

If a digital platform company champions specific values (which are invariably based on its civilizational ethos), whatever those values might be, it cannot be considered neutral. Moreover, despite what digital giants claim about championing diversity, their core strategy depends on getting people to think and act the way they and their advertisers want. The business models are based on psychologically influencing people’s thinking rather than encouraging independent thinking.

One is reminded of the eighteenth-century Indian elites that collaborated with the British, exposing Indian culture’s weak links and helping them map the country’s vulnerabilities. The British colonizers gave birth to Indology to study Indians, build psychological models of individual and social behavior, and establish policies for dealing with different segments of society. In today’s jargon we could say that Indology served the purpose of surveillance to compile big data and build models. After the Second World War (1939–45), this role was passed on to the US, which started the academic discipline of South Asia Studies and took the social-psychological mapping exercise to new heights. The new digital technologies are the latest evolution in this enterprise.

Google-Devata (pp. 320)

In many ways, Google is even more predatory than Facebook in its secret exploitation of data belonging to others. In fact, Google’s leaders have been explicit about their grandiose ambitions of reshaping the world order, and their strategy to achieve this is to control all the data they possibly can about your whole life. When asked to define what Google’s core business is, co-founder Larry Page said it is,

“personal information … The places you’ve seen. Communications … Sensors are really cheap … Storage is cheap. Cameras are cheap. People will generate enormous amounts of data … Everything you’ve ever heard or seen or experienced will become searchable. Your whole life will be searchable.” (Edwards, I’m Feeling Lucky, pp. 291)

As part of its Google collaboration, Reliance Jio bragged that it will make 5G phones built on “made-for-India” Android operating system. It will “join hands with tech giant Google to build an Android-based smartphone operating system”. The key issue is simply ignored in the announcement: whether Jio would control the source code, not only of the Indian adaptation of the operating system but also of the main Android system. This is needed to prevent becoming dependent on something critical controlled by the foreign party. The Indian adaptation will need to keep up with the frequent enhancements in the main Android, and this would require having the source code and proficiency in its use. Otherwise, the Indian version would soon be obsolete. It seems like a deal that fixes Jio’s dependency status long-term.

The saddest part of this is that India’s high-profile thought leaders and social media activists have not come to the mat to wrestle with these complex issues. There should have been public hearings or government hearings like in the US and EU to cross-examine the tech giants. If nothing else, it would have shown a spine and backbone on India’s part. If India is for sale, at least it should not be sold off so cheap!

When Artificial Intelligence is discussed, Indian leaders often lack the knowledge and insight to grasp its seriousness. Some people are mesmerized by the romantic vision of robots with American accents at their gatherings. I am shocked by the incompetence of many speakers at literary festivals, think tanks, conclaves, and the media in general. They seem focused on arousing public emotions with the latest scandals, gossip about celebrities, and other shortsighted outbursts. The looming tragedy, though, is that India’s youth are unlikely to achieve their aspirations because their future has been compromised.

The lack of serious Indian opposition and scrutiny of the foreign tech giants is appalling and raises suspicions of the secret inroads they have made. Contrary to this, Google and Facebook, in particular, face escalating legal, political, and public relations fights in the West. US Congressmen have held hearings in which they have accused Google of stealing content from Americans. And the Australian and EU governments are cracking down against the US tech giants as well. But Indians feel proud of being included in this new world order and unconcerned about the subordinate place it is being assigned to.

Vedic Social Science (pp. 324)

…… The collective consciousness of Indians and the outlook of modern institutions ought to be shaped by indigenous worldviews. The guiding principles should be traditionally integrated and unified, while remaining flexible and relevant for current times. However, little serious work has been done to adapt and apply aspects of the traditional teachings to today’s policymaking.

This is relevant to AI because as discussed in Chapter 4, AI platforms are culturally biased and not neutral. Machine learning systems have certain implicit or explicit values, norms, and ideals that serve as the target for training the algorithms. Artificial Intelligence is a force multiplier that strengthens whatever values and policies are embedded within it, whether visible or not. The ideology to be implicitly embedded in the AI-based models is defined by whosoever controls the models—currently it tends to be driven by worldviews based in the US or China. The US digital giants incorporate an American set of social-political premises cherished by their elite owners; in China the government supplies the narrative.

India has missed a key opportunity to develop an Indian grand narrative that could serve as the substratum for its own AI platforms. Such a narrative would enhance the shared identity across the population and help Indian society coalesce and function under a common value system. Unfortunately, the exact opposite is happening. India’s elites have adopted digital platforms from US and Chinese companies, subjecting its public to foreign influences that do not align with Indian values and customs.

….. Today’s Indian society is tamasic (laden with lethargy and toxicity) because artha and kama have become disconnected from dharma. This problem is not with the Vedic social system, but with contemporary society. The shift from Vedic to Western social theories has made Indian society vulnerable because its people are lost between the two worlds.

The AI systems proliferating today are intended to attract and influence people that have abandoned dharma and lost their moorings. The machine learning systems of American digital platforms are using big data to build the personal profiles of people’s kama and artha weaknesses on an unprecedented scale. Each individual and group is meticulously tracked and modeled as a portfolio of predispositions that can be targeted, influenced, and manipulated. By stroking their personalities and weaknesses, AI systems easily sway people with external stimuli for commercial and political purposes.

In contrast, people anchored in dharma have a more cultivated conscience, a deeper and more vibrant awareness of the consequences of their actions, and they are less likely to be swayed by kama–artha-based temptations.

Lapse of Kshatriyata

A psychologically resilient society requires the traditional quality of kshatriyata (the attributes of a kshatriya), which is leadership with valor and a willingness to sacrifice for a higher cause. It requires courage, but also strategic thinking, astuteness, and perspicacity. Kshatriyas are in control outside their comfort zone and face opponents head-on. Encounters in the kurukshetra are useful for kshatriya training just like big data is needed for machine learning.

Kshatriyata is often confused with activism. In fact, one reason for the lack of kshatriyata today is that social media activism is a quick and easy path bypassing the required rigor and training. Low-caliber activists resort to internet brawls and mudslinging; winning inconsequential internet battles assumes far too much importance and sucks up considerable energy. Living the social media romance of heroism by winning virtual dogfights has become a popular form of entertainment. All such pursuits are counter to kshatriyata.

….. Today’s armchair activists have precious little experience fighting in the kurukshetra but are becoming popular by pontificating from digital platforms, keeping well within their comfort zones in the company of like-minded people.

The present crisis of kshatriyata came about as a result of India’s prolonged history of oppressive foreign rule. To survive brutal rulers, people improvised jugaad methods for personal success, and the collective good of their communities took a back seat. Assertive leaders were eliminated by the invaders, as when the brave Sikh gurus were tortured and killed by Muslim rulers. Under British rule, those who cooperated were rewarded for their capitulation as in the case of zamindars (Indian landowners appointed by the British) and babus (Indians serving in administrative positions helping British rule). Survival required playing it safe and not taking risks.

Identity Vacuum (pp. 338)

…..The Vedic ideal is rooted in the ancient nation called Bharat. The new Westernized society of Indian elites can be called the Sensex nation, because this section of society is guided by the values of large corporations measured on the Sensex stock market index. There is a clash between the narratives of Bharat and Sensex—not because dharma is against commercial success but because the Sensex nation pursues the maximization of artha and kama detached from a dharmic substrate.

Western consumerism is now fully entrenched in India’s culture, especially among the young and urban population. Indians have visibly been influenced by Western values such as instant gratification and the use of credit to live beyond their means, which were once decried in Indian society. Unlike prior generations when people were expected to work hard to earn and fulfill their basic needs, the youth today have assumed a grand sense of entitlement to have their desires satisfied. The youth are drawn toward leaders who dish out platitudes to make them feel good without demanding perseverance and rigor.

As long as India chases Westernization, it cannot claim to be the vishvaguru in a Vedic sense. The destruction of traditional sources of authority, texts, and reference points creates a vacuum in Indians’ self-image, giving digital platforms an opportunity to insert their own principles.

Aspirations and Fantasy (pp. 344)

Indians are prone to make-believe realities of the kind provided by the film industry, cricket, song and dance, fantasy, hero worship, and other escapes from reality. These serve as emotional doorways into people’s hearts. In the past these fantasy worlds were rooted in Indian narratives such as those found in itihasa (narratives of the past), but now the narratives of Disney, American cowboys, and foreign designer brands have popularized alien tropes, heroes, and values.

This hotchpotch popular culture is becoming incorporated into virtual realities using artificial/digital heroes and villains, fake news, inducements, and sensory gratifications. As noted earlier, Indians commonly abrogate their responsibility and agency to gurus, parents, and public icons, making them vulnerable to AI systems that promise paternal comfort and instant gratification without any effort.

….. Especially dangerous is the rising aspirations of Indian youth to unrealistic levels; this is being fed by the popular rhetoric that India is a superpower. This is a dangerous cocktail: overemotional, overconfident, aggressive, and marginally educated people with a false sense of entitlement demanding instant gratification. Artificial Intelligence-based systems can manipulate the masses whose aspirations far exceed what they can achieve through legitimate means. The gap between aspirations and reality could turn into a tinderbox of social unrest.

The fantasy of having a Western identity is an emotional high ground. Even those who claim to oppose the mimicry of Westerners often chase Western accolades. Recently, some Westerners have become instant icons on Indian social media merely by restating some obvious points; they take advantage of the fact that Indians who suffer from an inferiority complex feel proud when a White person pats their back.

….. While the anglicized Indian youth in big cities mimic American popular culture, the youth in rural areas aspire to be like their urban peers. In short, urban youth are wannabe Westerners, and rural youth are wannabe Indian urbanites. Migrant workers share stories of their lives in the city with their friends and family back in the villages. In pre-internet times, such influence moved slower but today it travels at the speed of light. Fashion trends zip through multiple layers of society, especially among the youth. Therefore, it is a false assumption that rural Indians with a low-income lifestyle can withstand economic shocks. The trickle-down effect has raised aspirations of all strata of society.

The digital equivalent to becoming Americanized is to participate on American platforms and have one’s private data included in the big data—giving one the feeling of having arrived on the world stage. Indians have given up too much agency to these foreign platforms and the captains of society are complicit.

Artificial Intelligence And Breaking India Forces (pp. 349)

….. Indians who celebrate the use of digital technology do not realize that the platforms are controlled by foreign giants whose global clout compares to the East India Company. Ironically, the very same activists in India who wave the flag of decolonization are competing for blessings from Twitter, Facebook, and Google.

Through AI-enabled networks, people can be managed as obedient and happy consumers encouraged to follow guidelines and advice designed especially for them. They can also be made rebellious, angry, and mobilized for violence. Artificial Intelligence-based algorithms can play one Indian against another, promote one ideology over another, and monetize these divisions and disruptions for the benefit of clients. Social media can sway voting patterns and even incite mobs to violence. Hundreds of millions of unsuspecting Indians have helped US and Chinese tech giants accumulate a treasure trove of big data on India by using Chinese hardware and American digital platforms.

A big risk India faces is that the breaking India forces are being trained to use AI-empowered interventions to play havoc in Indian society. Such a scenario is imminent because factions like evangelists, Islamists, and Maoists are internationally well connected and their foreign sponsors are savvy about the use of the latest digital weapons for mass psychological manipulation. They are also insulated because they are operating from extrajudicial nexuses located abroad.

Artificial Intelligence is a force multiplier that can be used to undermine the unity of the rashtra, of political parties, and of communities by encouraging the flareups of fragments. Deep learning of individual behavior can be combined with fake news to manipulate psychology and public opinion. This has serious national security implications. For example, a foreign intelligence agency could compromise Indian leaders with sexual or financial blackmail. It is a fair assumption that many Indian leaders across the ideological spectrum are already vulnerable to subtle blackmail by the US and China. The private information stored in big data and machine learning models provide foreign countries and companies with the ability to compromise people at many levels—emotional, professional, and even legal.

Despite all these risks, Indians are not overly worried that foreign digital platforms will end up having too much emotional control over hundreds of millions of people. Artificial Intelligence is barely understood by India’s social scientists, government officials, legal experts, and education leaders. Ironically, India’s public intellectuals—social media celebrities, the blaring mainstream media voices, and political debaters—are heavily invested in supporting the digital media platforms that are recolonizing India. They build their popularity and boast their identities sitting on foreign platforms that are a fake foundation whose strings are being pulled from faraway places.

The China Threat (pp. 353)

Another factor in stress testing the robustness of India’s sovereignty is that it is situated in one of the most hostile neighborhoods in the world and the threats to its physical security are worsening. In addition, a lot of manpower resources are spent on anti-insurgency operations within India. A considerable part of the defense budget is, unfortunately, required to be spent on personnel salaries. Therefore, the research and development of advanced weapons cannot compete with China and the US that invest large budgets on advanced technologies for defense.

It is important to understand the depth and breadth of China’s threat. The Chinese have demonstrated their ability to think long-term for nation-building and protecting the Han cultural and historical identity. Their goal is to surpass the West in every domain using AI as one of the primary strategic technologies.

….. The Chinese own a majority share of the smartphone market in India. India has recently banned several Chinese apps because they solicit unnecessary access to camera and microphones on the smartphones and collect large amounts of personal data including location, profession, friends’ identities and interests, and personal photographs. However, deactivation of a user’s account does not result in the old data being returned to the user or being deleted from the server. This ban is good, but it is defensive and reactive to a border conflict. It is not by itself a strategy to jump ahead in AI research.

….. India cannot afford further delay in coming to terms with the fact that the control of most big data and deep learning is effectively in the hands of companies based in the US or China. Americans primarily own the software algorithms, databases, and operating platforms; the hardware is mostly Chinese. India is at the mercy of their technologies. And the foreign owners of the AI technology and digital platforms have no legal accountability in India, nor do they have the interest of Indians at heart to the same extent as their vested interests in their home countries.

Artificial Intelligence And Unifying India Possibilities (pp. 359)

Indian activists should cease the tamasha of bombastic claims that India is on the verge of becoming a superpower on par with the US and China, and even forging ahead of them. Instead, serious thinkers should plan and implement how AI could be used in positive ways to tighten the grip on volatile situations. The widespread use of law enforcement, and propagation of the grand narrative could make AI a force for national stability.

….. As machines become smarter and humans become ever more dependent on them, a shift in the power structure is inevitable. A few powerful elites control the digital systems and these systems, in turn, will increasingly control the masses. Artificial Intelligence-based systems implicitly incorporate the values and ideologies about justice and human rights that are aligned with their developers. The ideological, emotional, and aesthetic control of this mental infrastructure is presently in foreign hands. China, on the other hand, developed its own digital platforms. From the beginning of this digital revolution, China has kept out the foreign influences. India, on the other hand, continues to invite foreign intrusions to penetrate at deeper and deeper levels. The price the country will pay for this will be heavy.

I am convinced that decolonizing AI is an absolute necessity for India to be a viable nation.

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Eight Myths to be Challenged

For most Hindus today, the legacy of Swami Vivekananda is assured. It is an article of faith that he was a great leader who influenced many others and inspired the practice of Hinduism over the past century. He is remembered as a visionary who expanded our understanding of the Hindu tradition by putting it on the world stage and making it relevant to his time.

It would surprise many of us, then, to know that an opposite view of this legacy is entrenched in academic circles, and that it is fast becoming the default interpretation among public intellectuals. As mentioned in the Introduction, this thesis brands Vivekananda’s movement as ‘neo-Hinduism’ where ‘neo’ implies something phoney. It is troubling to see the acceptance, in many important circles, of the specious theory that his formulation of Hinduism was utterly decoupled from ‘traditional’ Hinduism. In fact, even many naïve and unsuspecting followers of Vivekananda believe a version of it. This is an epidemic of which most Hindus are unaware.

The thesis blames the prominent leaders of contemporary Hinduism for duping the Indian public. The accused conspirators include: Ram Mohan Roy (1772-1833); Swami Vivekananda (1863-1902); Balgangadhar Tilak (1856-1920); Mohandas Gandhi (1869-1948); Rabindranath Tagore (1861-1941); Vinoba Bhave (1895-1982); Sri Aurobindo (1872-1950); and Sarvepalli Radhakrishnan (1888-1975).

This book will show that the branding of contemporary Hinduism as a faux ‘neo-Hinduism’ is a gross mischaracterization of both traditional and contemporary Hinduism. I will use the term ‘contemporary Hinduism’ in a positive sense, and distinct from the dismissive ‘neo-Hinduism’, and show that contemporary Hinduism is a continuation of a dynamic tradition. It is not in any way less authentic or less ‘Hindu’ than what may be dubbed traditional Hinduism. There are negative connotations to the term ‘neo’ which imply something artificial, untrue, or unfaithful to the original. Other world religions have undergone similar adaptations in modern times, though there are no such references to ‘neo-Christianity’, for instance. I resist the wide currency being gained for the term ‘neo-Hinduism’, because this fictional divide between ‘neo’ and ‘original’ Hinduism subverts Hinduism.

Chapter 8 will draw on ancient Sanskrit sources and historical documents to show a continuing tradition that was alive and well during the twelfth to seventeenth centuries CE. This shows that there are historic precedents within the framework of the tradition for the kind of change that contemporary Hinduism is bringing about.

I will now summarize the basic assumptions or myths underlying the theory of ‘neo-Hinduism’, with a brief response to each. These responses are elaborated in later chapters.

Myth 1: India’s optimum state is Balkanization

One of the most dangerous assertions being made is that India’s natural state is one of balkanization. In other words, before colonialism, it was never unified. Those who hold this view believe India should be returned to that pre-colonial state by disempowering Hinduism (because it is considered to be a unifying force that benefits only the elites), and by empowering the forces of fragmentation. Richard King illustrates this view, insisting explicitly that ‘it makes no sense to talk of an Indian nation’.

Such a discourse on the fragmentation of India has been used to stir up internal divisiveness and conflict—ironically, in the name of human rights. (Breaking India shows how this has come about, along with its political ramifications.)

Theories of the coherence of India and its civilization are dismissed by alleging that such claims necessarily imply an imposition of homogeneity and hegemony. As a corollary, there is the conclusion that Indians ought to simply deny any unified positive identity based on their own past, and instead seek a common identity based on the further importation of modern Western principles of society and politics. Those few individuals who dare articulate Indian coherence are therefore characterized as dangerous and accused of fascism, identity politics, fundamentalism, and links to atrocities.

This myth will be discussed in detail in Chapter 7, where we will see that it is based on a misconception about the nature of pre-colonial India. This misconception denies India’s cultural unity based on the dharmic traditions.

Myth 2: Colonial Indology’s biases were turned into Hinduism

It is generally true that prejudiced colonial Indologists constructed Hinduism in a way that fit their own agendas. These agendas included Christian missionary attempts to depict the heathens as so lowly and uncivilized that they required evangelization. There was also the imposition, by colonial governments, of a uniform method of rule that would make the population easy to control. I also accept that many Europeans laboured hard to recover Sanskrit texts, did important philological work, and struggled to understand Hindu traditions, even if only through their own lenses.

However, I disagree with the charge that Indian leaders took their cues exclusively from the West in reclaiming their textual traditions, and that they reinterpreted these texts in line with Western ideas. To assume Indians passively read their own texts under the tutelage of Europeans, without any sense of their traditional meanings, is tendentious and untrue.

Being open to influence from others does not render a culture ‘inauthentic’. Hinduism has always insisted that the way its traditions are interpreted and practised are a product of place, time and custom. If the truths are expressed in a way that is Western in form for the sake of wider communication, it does not make the substance of it any less Hindu.

Myth 3: Hinduism was manufactured and did not grow organically

The overarching charge made by proponents of the neo-Hinduism thesis is that contemporary Hindu leaders, particularly Vivekananda, Gandhi and Aurobindo, invented wholesale a new religion which we call Hinduism, using purely Western ingredients in order to promote a particular political agenda and a ‘macho’ national identity. Since Vivekananda heralds the modern revival of India’s spirituality, many intellectuals target him as the creator of a synthetic and artificial new religion called Hinduism.

This characterization reveals a serious misunderstanding of Indian culture. Since the earliest times, prominent Hindus have disagreed among themselves, and their ideas were not static or frozen; new ideas were constantly introduced to challenge old ones. This process of change and adaptation has not stopped, nor should it. Hence, Vivekananda ought to be seen as a new thinker updating the tradition for modern times, not as someone fabricating something insidious or inauthentic. He was continuing the ancient tradition of innovation, while profoundly immersed in his own tradition. Yet he was receptive to Western influence, demonstrating a broadmindedness that is intrinsic to Hinduism.

Vivekananda and his heirs did articulate Hinduism in a new way, using the English language in a European idiom. They also emphasized (perhaps more than previously) action and social responsibility, and engaged explicitly with science. But these ideas were deeply rooted even in pre-colonial Hinduism. They were part of a natural and organic development through which Hinduism has stayed relevant, not unlike the changes that the traditional religions of Europe underwent on multiple occasions. Indeed, the modernization of Hinduism has occurred with less violence and distortion than similar movements in modern Christianity in Europe, as discussed in Being Different.

Vivekananda’s understanding of Vedanta amalgamated teachings from various Hindu traditions. His reinterpretation of four intertwined pathways of yoga to attain moksha—jnana yoga (knowledge), raja yoga (meditation), karma yoga (selfless service) and bhakti yoga (devotion) —has an antecedent in Vijnanabhikshu, a prominent Indian thinker who lived long before the colonial period. This contradicts the myth that he copied Western ideas and that these ideas were absent in pre-colonial Hinduism.

Since many Indian trains of thought have always co-existed, there is no reason for tradition and modernity to fight each other. The very notion that there are mutually conflicting stages of tradition, modern and post-modern, is a Eurocentric one. These ‘stages’ refer to the way things progressed in Western history, but this cannot be extrapolated as universal. Indeed, dharma includes within it the attitudes that are considered to belong to tradition, modern and post-modern, all in parallel, and not necessarily in mutual contradiction.

Myth 4: Yogic experience is not a valid path to enlightenment and tries to copy Western science

One of the controversies at the heart of the debate has to do with the status of yogic anubhava, the direct experience of higher states of consciousness attained in meditation. Such meditation practices are part of what is referred to as adhyatma-vidya, or ‘inner science’. Exalted experiences are at the foundation of classical Indian texts and are emphasized anew in contemporary Hinduism.

Many cutting-edge Western cognitive scientific research programmes today have evolved under the profound influence of dharmic traditions, and such practices are referred to as first-person empiricism by neuroscientists. To call into question the authenticity of such practices, or to set them aside as inferior to the authority of scripture, would deprive Hindus of one of their most valuable assets and eliminate a unique aspect of their tradition, i.e., its profound investment in adhyatma-vidya. Chapter 11 elaborates on this correlation between cognitive science and dharmic traditions.

Unfortunately, the importance of direct experience in Hinduism is vigorously contested by members of the neo-Hinduism camp. They claim that authentic tradition, especially Advaita Vedanta, considers only the sruti (Vedic text) as the path to moksha (enlightenment); therefore, anubhava, or direct experience, cannot lead to moksha. They cite Shankara’s works (of the eighth century CE) to support their position. Since Vivekananda emphasized anubhava, he is accused of having violated this core tenet of classical Hinduism.

The dangerous implication of this position is that it makes Vedanta and yoga appear mutually incompatible, thereby undermining Hinduism’s unity. This is the main philosophical attack denying the existence of Hinduism as a coherent, unified and continuous system.

Vivekananda and other proponents of contemporary Hinduism say that although the sruti text is important, the goal is to attain the higher states of consciousness to which they point, not to reify the text into dogma. Whether one is more suited to textual study or to yogic practice depends on one’s temperament. Furthermore, there are deep linkages between textual study and yogic practice; they are to be practised in combination, not in isolation. Hinduism has room both for textual authority and direct experience. This openness is also present in Shankara, who is often wrongly depicted as a sort of bookworm fixated on texts.

Vivekananda’s approach revolved around a unified Vedanta-Yoga as spiritual praxis (anubhava) that is informed by Vedic precepts, insights, and authority (sruti). This is consistent with many earlier thinkers (such as Vijnanabhikshu, to be discussed in Chapter 8) who insist that one must not rely solely on sruti but also attain a direct experience of the truth which the practice of yoga can bring. A classical concept in Hinduism has been that a true proposition has to be consistent with sruti, yukti (reason/logic) and anubhava.

There are, indeed, well-known philosophical differences between Shankara and Vivekananda, but one should not read their works too narrowly. Such differences are the products of different ages with different needs for the revival of dharma. Vivekananda operated in the context of distinguishing Hinduism vis-à-vis the West whereas Shankara was operating in an environment dominated by Buddhism. These differences become acute only when seen through the singular goal of attaining moksha, whereas the discourse on Hinduism should not be limited merely to any approach for moksha.

Neo-Hinduism claims that the emphasis on yogic direct experience originated only as a result of appropriating Western science so as to make Hinduism seem scientific. Since science emphasizes empirical evidence, the closest thing to it which Hindus could claim was that mysticism was a form of empiricism. This incorrect interpretation of yoga’s long history of experiential exploration will be challenged in Chapter 11.

Myth 5: Western social ethics was incorporated as seva and karma yoga

The neo-Hinduism camp also insists that the emphasis on social responsibility and social action in the thought of Vivekananda, Gandhi and Aurobindo was imported from Christianity. While there has definitely been Western influence, this charge is overstated. Concepts such as seva and karma yoga were not absent from the prior tradition, even in the works of Shankara. Secondly, contemporary Hindus should not be discredited for rising to the challenge posed by social degradation under colonial rule.

Chapter 9 will show that, counter to the neo-Hinduism thesis, lokasangraha (service to others) and bhakti (devotional surrender) derive from ancient Hinduism, with roots going back to the Bhagavad-Gita and even earlier. Vivekananda translated ‘lokasangraha’ as ‘working for the good of others’ and called this ‘a very powerful idea’ in the modern context. The individual is encouraged to move away from selfish desires by using the notions of karma (action), bhakti (devotion) and jnana (knowledge). The application of these old ideas to new contexts does not amount to a discontinuity or contradiction.

There have been numerous examples of warrior ascetics in traditional India long before the arrival of the British, which goes to show that social activism is not a recent response to colonialism. The kind of Indian rule Vivekananda envisaged was in line with an unbroken chain that goes back to the classical texts of Arthashastra and Panchatantra. Chapter 9 will also show how Sahajanand Swami, free from any colonial influence, had created a large, vibrant community of sadhus who devoted their lives serving the public rather than withdrawing from society and living as recluses.

Myth 6: Hinduism had no prior self-definition, unity or coherence

Another common charge in the campaign to de-legitimize Hinduism is that it had no self-defined and conscious understanding of its own distinctiveness from other religions. The foundation of neo-Hinduism is said to have been built by distorting prior traditions, which themselves had no unity and were a mishmash of irreconcilable texts and local customs.

Since there is no central authority or ecclesiastical structure in Hinduism, no closed canon or ‘Bible’ of sacred texts, and since there are no ‘creeds’ to which members of the faith must subscribe, Westerners tend to denigrate it as random, fragmented, chaotic and without unity. Sociologists and anthropologists often focus on conflicts and oppression in modern Indian society, and project their findings onto ancient Hindu texts to show that incoherence has always been characteristic of India.

This view ignores the fact that besides top-down structures and reified codes of orthodoxy, there can be other modes of unity that are decentralized. The phenomenon known as Kumbha Mela illustrates this decentralization beautifully. No one organizes this mass pilgrimage; there is no governing body or official charter by any founder; there is no ‘event manager’ who sends out a programme; and there are no official creeds. Yet it is both perceptually and philosophically a ‘Hindu event’.

In Being Different, I argue that the Western notion of unity and coherence is based on an obsession for control, expansion and hegemony. Generally, the Western style of working is exemplified in the way a large multi-national corporation functions. Various institutional mechanisms are in place to standardize labour policies, internal procedures, products, sales channels, and so on. It’s no surprise the Roman Catholic Church was the world’s first major corporate multinational (and is still arguably the largest). It developed the first commercial multinationals, such as the Knights Templar. The East India Company borrowed the structures for systematic control and order from these Christian sources, and modern historians of corporations regard that company as the template for modern multinational governance.

But this central control represents only one kind of coherence. It is not the model on which Indian coherence is built. Being Different summarizes various Western imaginings of a ‘chaotic India’, and offers an Indian response by reversing the gaze, as it were, so that it is directed at the West’s fixation on normative ‘order’.

There are several aspects to Hinduism that are distorted when seen through the Western lens. For example, through the assumption of Hinduism’s lack of internal consistency and unity, such scholars, in effect, undermine any claim made on its behalf. Any attempt to speak of such an entity in positive terms is frequently debunked by asking, ‘To which “Hinduism” are you referring?’ Often this charge of incoherence goes beyond Hinduism, and serves as the basis for Myth 1, i.e., that India itself lacks any unity in the positive sense.

The characterization of Hinduism as incoherent serves to protect Western hegemony. The intellectual sophistication of Hinduism offers a vantage point from which the West’s assumed universalism can be strongly challenged. Since acknowledging such a stance would pose a grave threat to Western universalism and its place on a pedestal, it becomes important to undermine the legitimacy of Hinduism as a coherent position from which to gaze.

Brian Smith understands the dangers of the ‘chaotic Hinduism’ thesis and has analysed this kind of scholarship in detail. He notes that Hinduism is considered too disorganized and ‘exotically other’ or else too complex and ‘recondite’; this makes it hard to apply standard methods of analysis used in Western religious studies. He says this view has become ‘standard received wisdom’ today. As a result, the term ‘Hinduism’ ends up meaning nothing at all. Smith recognizes the absurdity here, though he does not speak of the full ramifications.

It is even fashionable now to put Hinduism within scare quotes. Scholars who might otherwise appreciate it often portray it as an exotic and unintelligible collection of peculiar practices and strange problems, reminiscent of primitive societies that were superseded by the West.

Many architects of the myth of neo-Hinduism also dismiss the unity of any earlier dharma. Richard King, for instance, outright rejects the fluid concept of dharma as a basis for future development. These scholars seem determined to resurrect some state of pre-modern tribalism or balkanization.

Myth 7: Hinduism is founded on oppression and sustained by it

It is fashionable to vilify Hinduism openly as a construct invented to serve regressive nationalistic and proto-fascist identity politics; it is accused of violating the rights of minorities, women and others. This attack is often mounted in the name of defending human rights.

Contemporary Hinduism shapes India just as the Western religious traditions shape America. And just as civilizations shaped by the Western religions can support and sustain a responsible and pluralistic society, so too can Hinduism (in several respects, even more naturally). As per the description of open architecture given in Chapter 11, dharmic culture has a strong foundation for absorbing multiple communities, metaphysical points of view, and new scientific developments than do the Abrahamic religions. This is so because dharma is not burdened by the imperative to reconcile itself with an absolute history; nor was dharma formulated under any centralized governance or adjudicating authority.

The neo-Hinduism thesis also demonizes Sanskrit as oppressive and fossilized, thus discarding centuries of cultural and philosophical development. The equivalent idea applied to the West would be to dismiss the entire corpus of Greek and Latin literature and philosophy for being corrupted by its elitism. Not only does the dismissal of Sanskrit rob India of a crucial resource; it deprives it of a sense of unity that pre-dates colonialism.

Myth 8: Hinduism presumes the sameness of all religions

While defending contemporary Hinduism, I do not treat every one of its tenets as sacrosanct. One of the aspects of which I am especially critical (and where I actually agree with my opponents in the neo-Hinduism camp) is the assertion by Vivekananda and his heirs that all religions are paths to the same goal. I am troubled by the tendency to see all religions as offering equivalent things in the hope of reconciling them in a kind of perennial philosophy. Being Different was written precisely for the purpose of arguing against this position. The Conclusion has a section specifically to give my rejoinder to the ‘sameness’ thesis.

Summary of both sides of the debate

The neo-Hinduism thesis is well-defined and consistently applied amongst the academics. Other, competing views are often not articulated, or are not articulated as effectively. Thus, in order to highlight the key tenets of neo-Hinduism and my responses, I shall focus on these two opposing poles in debate. My goal is not to force readers into an ‘either/or’ position, but to encourage more participants to enter the debate.

The table below summarizes, as sharply as possible, the differences between the neo-Hinduism thesis and my own understanding of contemporary Hinduism.

Neo-Hinduism—Opposing Thesis Contemporary Hinduism—My Thesis
Swami Vivekananda manufactured a new religion popularly called Hinduism, and other Indian nationalists such as Gandhi, Radhakrishnan, Rabindranath Tagore and Sri Aurobindo subsequently crystallized it. These thinkers evolved contemporary Hinduism using traditions as the base into which they assimilated new ideas, including Western ones. Similar changes occur in every religion.
Hinduism is discontinuous with past traditions, and hence is something ‘neo’ or inauthentic. Hinduism is continuous with past traditions, even though it changes and evolves just as it has done many times before.
The ‘inventors’ of this new religion of Hinduism allegedly suffered from a serious inferiority complex under British colonial rule. The neo-Hindus were concerned about the internal decay of Indian society and about the Christian missionary attacks against traditional Hinduism as otherworldly and elitist. This was true to some extent but the authenticity of Hinduism is not undermined regardless of the factors that modernized it.
Prior to colonialism, Indian traditions had no sense of unity. Intense conflict and mutual contradiction characterized the relationship between them. Indian nationalists, seeing the need for a united India to rise up against the British, fabricated the idea of unity. Despite the immense diversity across various Hindu groups, philosophies, paths, etc., there was already an overarching unity underneath. The terms ‘astika’ (insiders) and ‘nastika’ (outsiders) are old and dynamic, showing that notions of unity existed previously and were contested vibrantly.
Neo-Hinduism’s major ideas are imported from the West, and this influence is camouflaged by using Sanskrit words to express them. The major resources used for bringing about change come from within the tradition itself.
Shankara says the Vedas are required as pramana (means of knowing) because one cannot know Brahman like an object, making anubhava (personal experience) incapable of facilitating enlightenment. Direct experience can also be unreliable. Vivekananda’s jealousy of Western science led him to re-imagine yoga as a science. The new emphasis on anubhava also created an artificial harmony between Vedanta and yoga to overcome what had earlier been a conflict between them. Adhyatma-vidya has been an ancient science that utilizes each person’s own human potential beyond ordinary mental states. Hence Vivekananda’s emphasis on anubhava continues the tradition of the rishis’ direct experiences as empirical evidence. Vedas as pramanas are not sidelined but supplemented by direct experience.
Christian ideals of helping society and Western secular theories of social ethics inspired Indian nationalists to appropriate them; karma yoga was used merely as a garb to make this plagiarized idea look Hindu. Social activism and ethics have been enshrined in the tradition of karma yoga, and this has been modernized to keep up with the times. The Vedas offer a basis for ethical principles that transforms the psychology of the individual.
The Bhagavad-Gita was not a central text until Western Indologists made it important, leading neo-Hindus to adopt it as their focal text. The Bhagavad-Gita was a primary text long before European colonialism. Every major Hindu thinker (including Shankara, Ramanuja, and Madhava) wrote extensive commentaries on it.
Hinduism is inherently oppressive of minorities such as Muslims, Christians, Dalits and women. It forces others into its own homogeneity for gaining political control. Hindutva is its latest incarnation and its goal has been to impose homogeneity. Contemporary Hinduism renews the coherence and unity of diverse Indian traditions. It does not harm their diversity, and has, in fact, the most open architecture among the main faiths of the world. Its lack of historical absolutes (in the sense of the Abrahamic religions) accounts for these extraordinary qualities.
Hinduism is a dangerous conspiracy that is being spread worldwide by duping naïve Westerners into thinking that it is a genuine tradition of peace and equality, which it is not. Contemporary Hinduism can be a great gift to humanity because of its practical and theoretical resources and its promotion of harmony among diverse views and practices.

It is clear from the above table that the two views of Hinduism are diametrically opposed. The clash is not trivial. The assumptions of neo-Hinduism dominate the academia and in large sections of Indian education, media, public policymaking, and popular discourse. Ironically, many Hindu gurus, in embracing a global audience, have adopted this posture as well. This book will show how the definition of neo-Hinduism has been contrived and how it has gained authenticity, in part because it suits certain academic and political agendas, and in part because it has been reiterated extensively without adequate critical response.

I do not wish to discourage criticisms of Hinduism or of any of its leaders. But I do object to the way Vivekananda has been made to look captive to Western models and to the denial of the internal coherence and agency in Hinduism. The attempt to discredit and delegitimize Hinduism and do away with any notion of unity pre-dating colonialism is mischievous. There is a deplorable tone of disparagement, denigration, and sometimes outright contempt toward the spiritual leadership of such figures as Vivekananda, Tagore, Aurobindo and Gandhi.

What, may I ask, is wrong with trying to modernize a traditional faith in light of contemporary and emerging understandings of the world? Why is such a project okay when undertaken in other parts of the world, for example by the Catholic Church in Vatican II, and not okay when undertaken by proponents of Hinduism? And why is it wrong to strive to establish and foster a spiritual basis for the Indian polity now? Why is it assumed that fragmentation of this polity is both an established fact and a good thing?

Far from starting any regressive discourse, Vivekananda was engaged in a natural process of renewal and expansion. He revised an existing tradition by fusing yogic practice, Vedanta, and the best of Western science and humanism. Historically such changes have been achieved organically from within Hinduism and its enduring repertoire of principles and practices.

The next few chapters will detail the individual arguments of the important academics—Paul Hacker, Agehananda Bharati, Ursula King and Anantanand Rambachan—and then discuss their influence on the discourse today.

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Blogs, Indra’s Net

Why This Book

Each of my books tries to provoke a new kind of conversation, the goal of which is to confront some specific prejudice against Indian civilization. Established biases covering a wide range of issues need to be exposed, especially when they are unsubstantiated. The objective of every book of mine is to pick a particular dominant narrative which is sustained by a nexus of scholars specializing in that theme, and then target it to effectively subvert it. The success of any such book may be measured in terms of how much challenge it generates against the incumbent positions. If my counter-discourse can become established in the minds of a sufficient number of serious thinkers, then it will assume a life of its own and its effects will continue to snowball without my direct involvement. This is the end result I seek. To be effective, a book must resist straying from its strategic priorities and must avoid arguing too broadly.

For example, I developed the strategy, overall thesis, and much of the content of Invading the Sacred so as to take aim at the Freudian psychoanalytical critiques of Hinduism. This hegemonic discourse was being propagated by a powerful nexus in the heart of the Western academia, and had spread as a fad among Indian intellectuals. Invading the Sacred gave birth to, and incubated, a solid opposition which cannot be ignored today. It spurred the Indian diaspora to recognize the syndrome and audaciously ‘talk back’ to the establishment of scholars.

My subsequent book, Breaking India, focused on demonstrating how external forces are trying to destabilize India by deliberately undermining its civilization. Such efforts are targeted at confusing and ultimately aborting any collective positive identity based on Indian civilization. The book exposed the foreign interests and their Indian sepoys who see Hinduism as a random juxtaposition of incoherent and fragmented traditions. Many watchdog movements have sprung into action because of that book. It has triggered a domino effect with other researchers now exposing more instances of the same syndrome.

My most recent book,  Being Different, presents a coherent and original view of dharma as a family of traditions that challenges the West’s claim of universalism. Because Western universalism is unfortunately being used as the template for mapping and defining all cultures, it is important to become conscious of its distorted interpretation of Indian traditions. Being Different is prompting many Indians to question various simplistic views concerning their traditions, including some that are commonly espoused by their own gurus and political leaders. It is a handbook for serious intellectuals on how to ‘take back’ Hinduism by understanding it on its own terms.

The present book exposes the influential narrative that Hinduism was fabricated during British rule and became a dangerous new religion. The central thesis which I seek to topple asserts that Swami Vivekananda plagiarized Western secular and Christian ideas and then recast them in Sanskrit terminology to claim Indian origins for them. Besides critiquing this nexus and defending Vivekananda’s vision, this book also presents my own vision for the future of Hinduism and its place in the world.

Hence, the book has two purposes: to defend the unity of Hinduism as we practise it today, and to offer my own ideas about how to advance Vivekananda’s ‘revolution’ to the next stage.

This volume introduces some new vocabulary. Readers will learn the metaphor of ‘Indra’s Net’ as a poetic expression of deep Hindu insights which subsequently became incorporated as the most central principle of Buddhism. They will understand Vivekananda’s system of ‘tat tvam asi ethics’ as an innovative social theory premised on seva (service to others), but firmly grounded in Vedic thought. They will also become familiar with the ‘neo-Hinduism camp’, which is my name for the group of scholars who have developed the thesis aimed at undermining Vivekananda’s innovations and de-legitimizing contemporary Hinduism.

The book introduces and explains such ideas as ‘open architecture’ and ‘toolbox’, which are critical to my insights on Hinduism. While openness has always been characteristic of Hindus, too much of a good thing can be dangerous. I argue that this very quality of openness has made Hinduism susceptible to becoming ‘digested’. Digestion, a concept introduced in my earlier books, is further elaborated in these pages.

In the Conclusion, I stick my neck out and introduce a set of defensive strategies for safeguarding against digestion. I call these strategies the ‘poison pill’ (borrowing from corporate jargon) and the ‘porcupine defence’. I hope this provocative proposition will trigger debate and controversy.

Some of the new vocabulary that was introduced in Being Different—such as ‘history centrism’, ‘integral unity’ and ‘embodied knowing’—will be further sharpened in these pages. I will also ascribe new meanings to the old Sanskrit terms astika and nastika, and utilize them differently than in the tradition.

As an author, I am often asked who my target audience is. This is not an easy question to answer. Clearly, I wish to influence mainstream Hindus who are often seriously misinformed about their own traditions. But if I were simply dishing out what they want to hear, appealing to their ‘feel-good’ sensibility, I would be doing them a disservice; I would also be failing in my goal to radically change the discourse. Bombastic books that present Hinduism in a chauvinistic manner are counter-productive and a recipe for disaster. My hope is to spur the genesis of what I call a ‘home team’ of intellectual leaders who would research, reposition and articulate Hinduism in a responsible way on important issues today. Therefore, my writings must be rigorous to withstand the scrutiny of harsh critics.

This means I must also write for the secular establishment and the old guard of Hindu leaders, both of whom will be provoked by this book for different reasons. The secularists will attack it as a defence of Hinduism which to them is synonymous with ‘communalism’. The Hindus with tunnel vision will complain that it deviates from their narrow, fossilized lineage boundaries. While trying to educate the mainstream readers in the middle, I also wish to debate both these extremes.

Let me confess up-front that I have made some compromises for practical reasons. For instance, I use the term ‘philosophy’ to refer not only to Western philosophy but also, at times, to Indian thought, even though the latter would more accurately be called darshana. In every book I like to introduce a small number of non-translatable Sanskrit terms which I attempt to explain deeper than merely providing a reductive English equivalent. This book contains several such non-translatables, but ‘darshana’ is not one of them. I use the word ‘philosophy’ even where ‘darshana’ would perhaps be more appropriate. I apologize for this pragmatic simplification because I do not wish to overload my reader.

The difference between philosophy and darshana is significant. Philosophy resides in the analytic realm, is entirely dis-embodied, and is an intellectual tool driven by the ego. Darshana includes philosophy but goes much further because it also includes embodied experience. Traditionally, Indian thought has been characterized by the interplay of intellectual analysis and sadhana (spiritual practice), with no barriers between the two. Hindu practices cultivate certain states of mind as preparation for receiving advanced knowledge. In other words, darshana includes anubhava (embodied experience) in addition to the study of texts and reasoning. The ordinary mind is an instrument of knowing, and its enhancement through meditation and other sadhana is seen as essential to achieving levels of knowledge higher than reasoning alone can provide. Western philosophy emphasizes reason to the exclusion of anubhava and thus consists essentially of the dis-embodied analysis of ‘mental objects’. Such a philosophy can never cross the boundary of dualism.

Another discomforting choice I make is to use the term ‘contemporary Hinduism’ to refer to Hinduism as we know it today. Hinduism is an ancient tradition that has been adapted many times, most recently for the present era. In the context of this book, the term simply denotes a new variation of something that is not exactly the same as it was previously. The very existence of smritis—texts that are written and rewritten to fit the context of each specific period and place—indicates that our tradition has never been frozen in time. It has evolved in step with the needs and challenges of each era.

My choice of this term, then, is intended to make the mainstream ‘contemporary Hindu’ readers comfortable. By the end of the book, I hope to have convinced readers that Hinduism cannot be pigeon-holed into tradition, modern and post-modern straitjackets in the way the West sees itself, because Hinduism has always been all three of these simultaneously and without contradiction.

The book focuses on toppling a specific, well-entrenched line of discourse that tries to isolate tradition in order to create conflicts and contradictions. My challenge is to help general readers undergo some serious mental shifts. Accordingly, I prefer not to overburden them by introducing too many unfamiliar terms. My hope is that most of my readers will be comfortable with such terms as ‘philosophy’ and ‘contemporary Hinduism’, and not be bothered that some theoreticians might find them problematic.

Additionally, in the interest of reader friendliness, an editorial decision was made to avoid using diacritic marks for Sanskrit pronunciation. Most Sanskrit terms are being italicized when they appear for the first time, and this may be repeated in some situations. A Sanskrit term will often be accompanied by a brief phrase in parentheses, giving its approximate meaning in English. Many Sanskrit terms are spelled in more than one way depending on the source— for instance, ‘Shankara’ is also spelled as ‘Sankara’. Vivekananda is frequently mentioned without the ‘Swami’ title. I anticipate purists in Indian scholarship to raise issues with some of these compromises. But, as explained at the very beginning, I must pick my battles carefully and in a focused way, and this means making practical accommodations.

Summary of the major propositions and arguments in the book:

The following is a list of major propositions being explained and argued in this book. I furnish this list so the reader knows what to expect and can target his or her reading better:

    1.  The openness of Hinduism: The metaphors of ‘Indra’s Net’, ‘open architecture’, and ‘toolbox’ are among the devices I use to explain that Hinduism is inherently an open system and that its unity and continuity are different from that which is found in the Abrahamic religions. The Introduction, Chapter 11 and Conclusion explain the concepts behind these metaphors. I also explain how the Vedic metaphor of Indra’s Net has travelled into the very heart of Buddhist philosophy, and from there into contemporary Western thought and culture. Hindu and Buddhist dharma is the art of surfing Indra’s Net.
    2. The ‘neo-Hinduism’ allegation against contemporary Hinduism: I strongly oppose the work of a prominent school of thought which claims that contemporary Hinduism, as we know it, is artificial and Western-generated, and that it was constructed and perpetrated by Swami Vivekananda for political motives. Chapters 1 through 7 explain the details of this subversive thesis (called the ‘neo-Hinduism’ thesis), the backgrounds of its main proponents, and the history of how it came about. All of this lays the groundwork for my rejoinder that follows.
    3. My defence of contemporary Hinduism: Not only are the charges against contemporary Hinduism refuted, point by point, in chapters 6, 8, 9, 10 and 11, but a countervailing view crystallizes, seeing contemporary Hinduism as unified, coherent and rooted in tradition. Chapter 6 explains the serious consequences of the ‘neo-Hinduism’ thesis in the form of popular literature and media biases in India.
    4. Digestion and fake liberalism: Many of the precious ideas and concepts in Hinduism have been systematically removed and placed in Western garb. Meanwhile, the original Hindu sources are allowed to atrophy and made to appear obsolete. Chapter 12 and the Conclusion articulate this syndrome with examples and discuss the existential danger this poses to Hinduism.
    5. The ‘porcupine defense’ and ‘poison pills’: With these I present my own strategy for safeguarding Hinduism from getting digested and thereby made to disappear. This defence entails the use of certain Hindu philosophical elements and practices which the predator cannot swallow without ceasing to exist in its current form. Such protective devices can help gurus free their Western followers from bondage to their religion of birth, such as claims to unique historical revelations, hyper-masculinized ideas of the divine, and institutionalized dogmatic beliefs. This is explained in the Conclusion.
    6. The future of astika and nastika: Using these age-old Sanskrit terms in a novel way, I propose how persons of different faiths can demonstrate mutual respect for one another. This will result in an open space in which adherents of all faiths can examine their tenets, and make whatever adjustments are needed to comply with the multi-civilizational ecosystem in which we live. Redefined for this new purpose, the astika-nastika categorisation can become a powerful weapon to defend Hinduism and reposition it as an important resource for humanity. This, too, is explained in the Conclusion.
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