AI & The Future of Power, Book review

Book Review: Artificial Intelligence and the Future of Power: 5 Battlegrounds

Rajiv Malhotra is an author of great intensity, intellectual scholarship, contemporary wisdom and supreme patriotism. His books are hard hitting commentaries on dangers lurking behind to weaken India’s position in the global order. In this most recent book, Malhotra picks the most talked about technology of Artificial Intelligence (AI) (and other modern technologies) and imaginatively portrays five battlegrounds which India should be aware of, if it wishes to pursue an ambitious course to attain global leadership in AI and harness it towards creating wealth and welfare for the nation. This scholarly
and deeply researched book takes a much-needed devil’s advocate approach to make powerful points and succeeds in communicating its message through a gripping narrative. Himself a distinguished expert in physics and computer science, Malhotra lends excellent credibility to the book with his impeccable command over the issues addressed in the book.
Malhotra uses the phrase Artificial Intelligence to refer to a whole gamut of
modern technologies sweeping across the globe: machine learning, big data analytics, data science, quantum computing, semiconductor technologies, nanotechnology, neuromorphic computing, robotics, 5G, smart manufacturing, and the like. He acknowledges these are distinct but AI brings them together in ways that give them a greater collective power.
The book has two parts to it: (1) Algorithm versus Being, (2) Battleground for India. Four battlegrounds are discussed in part 1: (a) The battle for jobs (chapter

2), (b) The battle for world domination (chapter 3), (c) The battle for agency
(chapter 4), (d) The battle for self (chapter 5). The final battle ‘The battle for
India’ constitutes part 2 of the book which comprises chapters 6 to 10.
Before launching compelling arguments for each battleground, Malhotra
provides an excellent overview of AI technologies in chapter 1; he first discusses fundamental advances such as machine learning, data analytics, and AI gadgets. Next he discusses AI applications ranging from healthcare and agriculture to education, military and financial services. Then, he touches upon the controversial issues surrounding AI such as (un)fairness, (lack of) accountability, (lack of) transparency, and (questionable) ethics. The remarkable aspect of chapter 1 is its ready accessibility to non-technical audience who have no familiarity with AI. This is a striking aspect of the entire book. Malhotra’s main argument is that AI has disrupted the equilibrium that existed in the global order in (1) economic development and jobs; (2) power and influence of nations; (3) human psychology; and (4) metaphysics. He calls each of these battlegrounds. The author sketches
out these battlefields in a systematic and comprehensive way, with an eye on every single detail. These battlegrounds have always existed but they were operating under a delicate equilibrium. AI has changed the game dramatically and the equilibrium is being dislodged leading to a chaotic state. A new equilibrium will inevitably be established and India
has to be fully aware of the forces at play and proactively shape its strategy in a brilliant and deeply technical way and invest massive resources to emerge as a leading global player. Countries like China and USA are furiously competing to shaping the new equilibrium and India may be left behind in a miserable way if it does not get its act together in a superfast mode. The book raises and deliberates upon many fundamental questions:
• There is a high probability that AI could trigger an unprecedented level of unemployment leading to social divide and instability, especially in a highly populous nation like India. How will India survive this tsunami which has already started hitting the country?

• With some countries investing massive resources into AI and modern technologies, will India be left far behind in the race despite its vast pool of young talent and how can this looming crisis be tackled?

• AI has started influencing human preferences, human emotions and human behaviour by accessing private data of individuals by offering popular and widely used services. Will this lead us to become slaves of technology with the control being transferred completely to technology
giants?

• Will AI lead to ‘digital dehumanisation’ by undermining the human concepts of free will and creativity in favour of artificially induced experiences? The above questions may appear to be hyperbolic but Malhotra presents them with deeply logical arguments and these questions cannot be dismissed at all. They are indeed questions that need to be debated fiercely, widely and scientifically to obtain a clear resolution and plan of action. The author is at his best in part 2 where he touches upon all issues underlying the battleground for India. He is really concerned that overpopulation, unemployment and poor education will make India especially vulnerable in the near future when technology giants will launch an onslaught to take control. Many of India’s industries still rely on and are over dependent on old and imported technologies. The developments in AI in India are subcritical and do not do justice to India’s vast potential. India
is seriously lagging behind USA and China in AI by at least a decade and the country is giving away its precious data assets to foreign countries. If the present trend continues, India will be left far behind and will find it impossible to catch up in the foreseeable future. The author even goes on to say that India could well end up as a ‘digital colony’ under the domination of AI superpowers like USA and China. The author exhorts India to wake up, scale up and move brilliantly to become a global superpower in AI.
This little book review captures only briefly the spirit of this superb and powerpacked offering from Malhotra. The book is timed perfectly – it raises technical, tactical, operational and strategic issues in nurturing AI and emerging technologies

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ThinkEdu Conclave 2021: AI making Indians a little ‘dumber’ everyday, says author Rajiv Malhotra

Is the dependence on technology moronising a generation of Indians? At least Rajiv Malhotra, Founder of Infinity Foundation and author of Artificial Intelligence and the Future of Power believes so. A speaker at TNIE’s ThinkEdu Conclave 2021, Malhotra was in conversation with Author and Senior Journalist Kaveree Bamzai.

“Artificial Intelligence is making machines smarter. What is not well known is that people are becoming dumber. They’re becoming more dependent on Google Devta,” said Malhotra, adding, “People think that a person with more views and tweets and followers (on social media) will be the definition of truth. The traditional sources of authority are not important to this generation. They have outsourced the criteria of truth to social media.”

Touching upon the algorithm that runs social media, he said that the machine figures out what one likes and doesn’t like, based on a user’s clicks. “I call this the modernisation of the masses. People have outsourced their agencies. People have started running their lives on autopilot,” he said.

Explaining why his book says that the Indian public is “highly moronised”, he said that the perfect “moron” will let Netflix decide what movie he must watch and a network figure out whom he should date or where he should go on vacation.  “It is a dream come true for digital marketing people, digital politics, digital ideological warfare… all of them using AI as a weapon,” he said.

While he says that the millennials are the most affected by the phenomenon, he agrees that his generation has left behind  “a very messy world for the next generation”.

Malhotra said that Indians are so far behind in the fundamental principle of AI. “Yet, when you go to these companies, you will find a lot of Indian brains. But they are not working for India. Even Sundar Pichai is an employee at the end of the day,” he said.

But who is responsible for this? He holds the politicians, industrialists and the likes of the RSS activists accountable. He asked how the ones who talk about being the keepers of the Rashtra haven’t thought about AI for the last ten years.

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Importance of Military-Industrial-Academic Complex

Importance of Military-Industrial-Academic Complex

When I arrived in the United States in the early 1970s, to pursue a PhD in Physics and then shifted to Computer Science, one of the remarkable experiences I had was the extent to which my professors and many of the students were involved in US defense research even while they were at the University. This has been a widespread phenomenon. Many research grants are given by the Pentagon, Department of Defense and various other government agencies, which channel the energy and creativity of scholars and academics in science, technology and engineering. This gives an opportunity to advanced students in real-world experience rather than limiting them to theoretical and bookish knowledge. I was also given this opportunity, for which I had to get security clearance so that I could accompany my professor to meetings at the Pentagon. I have not heard of such opportunities in India at least not on a significant scale. Most of the professors in Indian higher education are working in silos on their own. Maybe a few of them get defense contracts, but these are small and not strategically significant.

Another thing I learnt in the US was that industry was also giving such grants to academia. It was common for some computer companies to give grants to professors and students. The pharmaceutical industry does the same, and business schools receive grants from famous brands. There is thus, a military-academic complex and an industry-academic complex; the third important link is the military-industry connection, completing the military-industrial-academic triangle.

The military-industrial complex in the US is a huge one. Some of the largest companies in the world are American defense contractors. The US private defense industry is over half a trillion dollars in annual turnover. Some of the large players in making advanced weapons include Lockheed Martin, Boeing, General Dynamics, Raytheon, Northrop Grumman, United Technologies, among others.

These days, many of these advanced defense contracts are in Artificial Intelligence, funded by the US the Department of Defense, CIA, and various branches of the armed forces. They also outsource research to universities. A big difference between DARPA (the US Defense Advanced Research Project Agency) and DRDO of India is that the latter’s resources are tied with manufacturing products, while DARPA’s role is that of a nodal agency co-ordinating and leading the research while mostof the manufacturing is done by the private industry. 

When I was at ITT as Corporate Vice-President, Charles Kao had pioneered fibre optics as a part of a defense contract and was later awarded the Nobel Prize. ITT also pioneered in research in speech recognition as a part of the F16 fighter jet project, so that hands-free communication could be set up for pilots. This speech recognition project also went on to have commercial applications in the marketplace, but it was initially done for the department of Defense. DARPA also invented the internet, which was initially called DARPANET, then renamed ARPANET. Once it became commercially available it was called the Internet. The origin of driverless cars is also due to a DARPA competition among academic teams racing in the desert in the Mojave Desert.Likewise, the invention of transistors for which Bell Labs won a Nobel Prize and which lies at the heart of semiconductors, was a DoD project. There is a long list of fundamental breakthroughs resulting from collaborations between defense, industry and academics. These days, the advances in robotic soldiers and cutting-edge technology, all involve DARPA’s grants and contracts. 

The same kind of military-industrial-academic complex also leads many research projects in China. In India, research by the defense department is not ahead of commercial applications. In fact, research is fragmented in separate domains. This is a serious issue.

Artificial intelligence is the latest field in which the Ministry of Defense must invest a lot of resources and make a comprehensive plan for all of India, beyond lmilitary applications. The strategy must include industry, society, culture and how the technology will make India a stronger nation. Nation-building using AI must include the unification and management of large numbers of diverse groups for mutual harmony.

Unfortunately, in India the work done by each of the military, academic and industrial camps is small. They are isolated and work in silos, which makes the output less synergistic. The research done in premier educational institutes of India is trivial compared with the United States because most of the higher institutes are involved in job-oriented teaching and campus politics with little original research. When a bright student enters a university in India, the practical projects available are of small scale and far from being cutting edge. Students don’t feel they belong to some big, futuristic project. Neither does Indian industry invest large amounts of money in academic research. At the same time, in order to justify and attract government and industry investments, academia too must transform itself to higher standards. The quality and quantity of research output, in terms of publications in world-class journals and patents, currently put out by India is abysmal, especially considering that India has a large number of professors and STEM students. 

In contrast, China adopted the American model. The Communist Party and People’s Liberation Army control all the R&D not only in the government’s labs but also in the private sector and academics. All the digital giant multinationals of China are deeply aligned with the government. While this heavy-handed approach will not be viable in India, India could certainly go the American way by using big grants and defense contracts to scale and amplify academic work and industrial manufacturing for defense. 

The Chinese government has not only actively recruited the best of Chinese and global technical talent, but also trained, encouraged and even sponsored their own youth to study and work in the US with the motive to return to China and work for their national cause. In contrast, most Indian students go abroad in their personal capacity, through family funding or scholarships and do not owe allegiance to their country in a formal sense. Most of them prefer to continue staying abroad and return only when they have visa issues. In contrast, almost 90% of the Chinese students who go abroad for higher degrees in frontier technology related domains, return home. A friend of mine, who is a professor in an ivy league in the US told me that if he has an application from a Chinese student and one from an equally qualified Indian student, he picks the Chinese because they have their own funding, whereas for the Indian he often has to arrange from his own funding sources. 

Another important difference is that the Chinese do not send their students abroad to pursue studies in the liberal arts whereas a large part of the Indian students going abroad end up studying things like political science,history and social sciences. This is done from a Breaking India lens, using Indology that was the product of colonial British and later American. They learn to use the global leftist view or a Judeo-Christian view of India, and not a native Indian view. One doesn’t find this happening with the Chinese. Few Chinese students go to USA to learn about China. The major journals on Chinese history, political thought, and society are all in Mandarin, controlled by the Chinese scholars and the Americans have to oblige them to have their work published on these platforms. In India, it is the other way. Even a native Sanskrit scholar from Benaras or Tirupati feels validated only if he goes to Oxford or Harvard or Columbia University or Chicago University. Therefore, even the knowledge production on Indian history and culture is not controlled in India.

India, thus, has a lot of serious changes to implement, especially related to the ways its youth is trained by ensuring resources are focussed on the STEM domains. It should focus on incentivising the return of its talent pool abroad, leverage the network and connections they make during their studies abroad for national advantage.           

My recent book Artificial Intelligence and the Future of Power discusses many of these problems India faces. I discuss the geopolitical impact of AI by the rise of China as the contender for the world’s foremost AI-based military-industrial complex. China has bet the proverbial farm on AI. No discussion on AI is complete without examining China’s role, and no evaluation of China’s future can fail to include AI at the center of its strategies. The clash between the US and China is this race for AI leadership because both countries’ current leaders know fully well that whoever dominates this technology stands to occupy the military and economic high ground. China is assuming a role similar to the erstwhile European colonisers and is in an all-out imperialistic clash with the US.

Apart from these two giants and a few other countries, most nations will lag increasingly as time goes by. It is virtually impossible to catch up in all the key elements of success that must be brought together—specialized AI hardware, big data resources turned into sophisticated assets, cutting-edge research, massive amounts of venture funding, and most importantly, visionary policies and implementation apparatus in government-industry-academic alliances.

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India has disappointing level of AI development: Book

India currently has a disappointing level of artificial intelligence (AI) development and it needs to embark on a rapid program to catch up, says a new book by researcher-author Rajiv Malhotra.

In “Artificial Intelligence And The Future Of Power: 5 Battlegrounds”, he argues that AI-driven revolution will have an unequal impact on different segments of humanity and for countries like India, where a large percentage of the population lacks the education that is vital to survive a technological tsunami, the adverse effects could be shattering.

There will be new winners and losers, new haves and have-nots, resulting in an unprecedented concentration of wealth and power. There is a real possibility that AI may trigger an unprecedented level of unemployment and precipitate social instability, he claims.

According to Malhotra, India is an important case study on the impact of AI because that is where all the battles come together into one large and complex battleground.

“Indian society has forsaken its metaphysical roots in dharma to chase the Americanisation of artha (material pursuits) and kama (gratification of sensual desires). As a result, it is neither here nor there – having lost its traditional strengths both individual and collective, it is at best a poor imitation of the American dream,” he says.

Overpopulation, unemployment and poor education make India especially vulnerable, he says, adding many of its industries are technologically obsolete and dependent on imported technologies.

“India presently has a disappointing level of AI development and it needs to embark on a rapid program to catch up,” Malhotra writes in the book, published by Rupa Publications.

He also claims that India is not only lagging behind China in AI by at least a decade, but it also has routinely given away its unique data assets to foreign countries because of the ignorance of its leaders.

“If the present trajectory continues, India could be heading toward re-colonization, this time as a digital colony under the domination of the US and/or China,” he says.

Malhotra says AI is amplifying human ingenuity and is the engine driving the latest technological disruption silently shaking the foundations of society.

“My use of the term is not limited narrowly to what AI is specifically in the technical sense, but also includes the entire ecosystem of technologies that AI propels forward as their force multiplier. This cluster includes quantum computing, semiconductors, nanotechnology, medical technology, brain-machine interface, robotics, aerospace, 5G, and much more,” he says.

Malhotra uses AI as an umbrella term because it “leverages their development and synergises them”.

On the one hand, AI is the holy grail of technology; the advancement that people hope will solve problems across virtually every domain of our lives and on the other, it is disrupting a number of delicate equilibriums and creating conflicts on a variety of fronts, he argues.

Given the vast canvas on which AI’s impact is being felt, he says one needs a simple lens to discuss its complex ramifications in a meaningful and accessible way.

After several rounds of restructuring the book, Malhotra zeroed in on using the following key battles of AI as the organising principle.

“Artificial Intelligence plays a pivotal role in each of these disruptions, and each of these battlegrounds has multiple players with competing interests and high stakes: battle for economic development and jobs, power in the new world order, psychological control of desires and agency, metaphysics of the self and its ethics, and battle for India’s future,” he says.

These battles, he says, already exist but AI is exacerbating them and changing the game.

“In each case, the prevailing equilibriums are disintegrating, and as a result, creating tensions among the parties held in balance. We are entering an epoch of disequilibrium in which a period of chaos is inevitable. Eventually, however, a new equilibrium will be established, and a new kind of world will emerge,” he writes.

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India has disappointing level of AI development, need to catch up: Book

India currently has a disappointing level of artificial intelligence (AI) development and it needs to embark on a rapid program to catch up, says a new book by researcher-author Rajiv Malhotra.

In “Artificial Intelligence And The Future Of Power: 5 Battlegrounds”, he argues that AI-driven revolution will have an unequal impact on different segments of humanity and for countries like India, where a large percentage of the population lacks the education that is vital to survive a technological tsunami, the adverse effects could be shattering.

There will be new winners and losers, new haves and have-nots, resulting in an unprecedented concentration of wealth and power. There is a real possibility that AI may trigger an unprecedented level of unemployment and precipitate social instability, he claims.

According to Malhotra, India is an important case study on the impact of AI because that is where all the battles come together into one large and complex battleground.

“Indian society has forsaken its metaphysical roots in dharma to chase the Americanisation of artha (material pursuits) and kama (gratification of sensual desires). As a result, it is neither here nor there – having lost its traditional strengths both individual and collective, it is at best a poor imitation of the American dream,” he says.

Overpopulation, unemployment and poor education make India especially vulnerable, he says, adding many of its industries are technologically obsolete and dependent on imported technologies.

“India presently has a disappointing level of AI development and it needs to embark on a rapid program to catch up,” Malhotra writes in the book, published by Rupa Publications.

He also claims that India is not only lagging behind China in AI by at least a decade, but it also has routinely given away its unique data assets to foreign countries because of the ignorance of its leaders.

“If the present trajectory continues, India could be heading toward re-colonization, this time as a digital colony under the domination of the US and/or China,” he says.

Malhotra says AI is amplifying human ingenuity and is the engine driving the latest technological disruption silently shaking the foundations of society.

“My use of the term is not limited narrowly to what AI is specifically in the technical sense, but also includes the entire ecosystem of technologies that AI propels forward as their force multiplier. This cluster includes quantum computing, semiconductors, nanotechnology, medical technology, brain-machine interface, robotics, aerospace, 5G, and much more,” he says.

Malhotra uses AI as an umbrella term because it “leverages their development and synergises them”.

On the one hand, AI is the holy grail of technology; the advancement that people hope will solve problems across virtually every domain of our lives and on the other, it is disrupting a number of delicate equilibriums and creating conflicts on a variety of fronts, he argues.

Given the vast canvas on which AI’s impact is being felt, he says one needs a simple lens to discuss its complex ramifications in a meaningful and accessible way.

After several rounds of restructuring the book, Malhotra zeroed in on using the following key battles of AI as the organising principle.

“Artificial Intelligence plays a pivotal role in each of these disruptions, and each of these battlegrounds has multiple players with competing interests and high stakes: battle for economic development and jobs, power in the new world order, psychological control of desires and agency, metaphysics of the self and its ethics, and battle for India’s future,” he says.

These battles, he says, already exist but AI is exacerbating them and changing the game.

“In each case, the prevailing equilibriums are disintegrating, and as a result, creating tensions among the parties held in balance. We are entering an epoch of disequilibrium in which a period of chaos is inevitable. Eventually, however, a new equilibrium will be established, and a new kind of world will emerge,” he writes

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‘Artificial Intelligence and the Future of Power’ a grim wake-up call for India

With Artificial Intelligence helping “biological materialism sneak in through the back door”, the world is witnessing a real clash of civilisations with “the battle between algorithm and being” writes Rajiv Malhotra, an internationally acclaimed author and public intellectual, in this seminal deep dive into a phenomenon that is only partially visible, like an iceberg.

Lamentably however, most of India’s leaders, public intellectuals, media personalities, policy makers, think tanks and authors are “ignoring the dangers” that lie ahead, “living securely in their comfort zones with like-minded peers”, Malhotra, the founder of the Princeton-based Infinity Foundation that specialises in the field of civilisational studies, writes in “Artificial Intelligence and the Future of Power – 5 Battlegrounds” (Rupa).

Noting that China had created a vast ecosystem of domestic intellectual property in next generation technologies including AI, 5G, nanotechnology, robotics, Virtual/Augmented Reality, aerospace and biotechnology, Malhotra writes that all this while, “the brutal reality is that India’s newly minted billionaires were shortsighted – the products of jugaad and selfishness. They achieved instant wealth but failed to anticipate global trends. They became intoxicated with their status as popular icons that were glorified by the media and the government” and even received Padma awards “because they built personal fortunes even though they made precious little contribution toward nation-building”.

Until a decade ago, Malhotra notes, India’s tech giants had a strong lead in software development, many private and corporate fortunes were made, and Indians were justifiably proud of their advantage.

“It was touted as the superpower status. However, the country squandered its lead and allowed China to surpass it in AI and related technologies. Consequently, India has become dependent on the US and others for the latest technology needed in AI,” the author states.

‘Artificial Intelligence and the Future of Power’ a grim wake-up call for India.

Thus, while India may have recently clamped down on Chinese investments, this was more in retaliation for border tensions “and not a strategic shift in R&D emphasis. It is a defensive move that can at best prevent further Chinese investments to slow the spread of China’s influence. But this by itself does nothing to upgrade the global competitiveness of India’s products. The fact remains that while China is a major disruptor of the world order by using AI as a weapon, India is at the receiving end of this disruption and having to be reactive”, Malhotra maintains.

Disruption, in fact, is what this 486-page tome, with an extensive reference section, is all about, as it lists the five battlegrounds of the future in an AI-driven world: Economy, industry, education and jobs; Geopolitics and military – USA, China and India; Moronization of the masses – bowing down to the digital deities, i.e., Google-devta, Twitter-devta and Facebook-devta; Loss of selfhood to artificial emotions and gratifications – this is the crash of civilisation; and Stress-testing the Indian Rashtra.

At the bottom line, it raises a troubling question: Is the world headed toward digital colonisation by the US and China? Quite obviously, this should be of immense concern to India.

To this end, the book is in two parts – the first dealing with the four battlegrounds in 255 pages in the first part and the second part, all of 138 pages, focusing on Battleground India.

“India cannot afford further delay in coming to terms with the fact that the control of most big data (the raw material required to develop machine understanding of human desires and their artificial manipulation) and deep learning is effectively in the hands of companies based in the US or China.

“Americans primarily own the software algorithms , data bases and operating platforms; the hardware is mostly Chinese. India is at the mercy of their technologies. And the foreign owners of the AI technology and digital platforms have no legal accountability in India, nor do they have the interests of Indians at heart to the same extent as their vested interests in their home countries.”

Regretfully, the book says, India’s data policies “have been weak and have allowed the drain of its precious data assets. In some ways, India is slipping to become the world’s largest digital colony with lifestyles, discourses and commerce controlled by foreign digital giants like Google, Facebook, Twitter, Netflix, Amazon and Flipkart. The foreign organisations maintain a lead of one generation of technology, and India is forever trying to catch up”.

“This is causing social and political interventions in India with the use of AI-driven platforms whose strings are pulled and manipulated from abroad. Especially those who feel disenfranchised, or who are dysfunctional as productive members of society, are highly vulnerable to succumbing to AI-based digital platforms; such platforms offer feel-good free services in exchange for capturing their privacy and their agency,” Malhotra writes.

Noting that the present conditions are a “playground for the breaking India forces” that he has discussed in his work over a quarter of a century, Malhotra adds: “Their foreign nexuses are well-funded and AI savvy, have experience in the use of technologies for creating social upheavals, and their machine learning systems have been using Indian big data to build and test psychological models for digital manipulation.”

India’s fabric, the book says, “in its current state is fragile and demands an increasing amount of resource allocation merely to keep it from imploding. There is far too much reliance on soft power as the solution, but soft power is always contingent on hard power”.

The lesson to be learned from the “Ramayana” and the “Mahabharata” is precisely this: Lord Ram failed to convince Ravana using all the soft power at his disposal but had to end up using hard power to defeat him. Likewise, Sri Krishna in the “Mahabharata” tries hard to use soft power arguments to win over Duryodhana, but eventually had to advocate the use of hard power to fight till the end.

“Therefore, even the avataras have needed hard power after being unsuccessful in producing the dharmic outcome with soft power alone. Indian spiritualists and political leaders should understand this and stop over-playing the soft power hand. It has made India society wooly-headed and lazy, and caused the kshatriyata to atrophy,” Malhotra writes.

Still, all is not lost.

“I am presently writing a sequel to this book that gives concrete ideas for not merely catching up in AI innovation but also using India’s special capabilities to leapfrog ahead by ten to twenty years. In many ways, this book is intended to prepare the ground for the way ahead,” Malhotra concludes.

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Excerpt: ‘Artificial Intelligence and the Future of Power’ by Rajiv Malhotra

With every passing year, humans become more dependent on technology. That has several advantages but also some dangers, which Rajiv Malhotra reveals in his book, ‘Artificial Intelligence and the Future of Power’.
An internationally acclaimed author who has studied computer science and done extensive research on India’s history, Rajiv Malhotra has interesting insights on what artificial intelligence is doing to our nation and how it will affect us in the future. He looks into how artificial intelligence will alter every aspect of our lives, from an international, to national to a personal level.

Here is an excerpt of the book to give you an idea on it:
Excerpts from ‘Artificial Intelligence and the Future of Power’ by Rajiv Malhotra

The AI-based concentration of power has taken on a terrifying new aspect. When we think of global power, countries like the US, China, and Russia readily come to mind. But today, private companies are accumulating immense power based on their ability to leverage AI and big data as tools to influence, manipulate and even control the minds of people.

Some of these private companies may soon become more powerful than many nation-states, but the shift will not be obvious. They will not fly a flag or manage a currency (although some are attempting to launch their own cryptocurrency), and they will not wield military power, at least not directly. However, their unprecedented knowledge of people and things around the world, coupled with their ability to disrupt and alter the physical world and manipulate people’s choices, will lead to a new nexus of power. Such companies will decide who will, and who will not, be given access to this new form of power, and on what terms.

Not one Indian company is a player in this league. Most unfortunate is that a large number of talented Indians work for American and Chinese companies in an individual capacity, including in top executive positions, but not as owners. Indians who do own companies tend to sell their stake when the right offer comes along. Whenever innovative entrepreneurs anywhere in the world develop a promising breakthrough, digital giants or venture firms that serve as their proxies are waiting to buy them out. As a result, hundreds of instant millionaires are being created at the individual level, including many living in India.

I view this trend as the return of Britain’s East India Company, which started out in 1600 as a modest private company for the purpose of making profit from lucrative trade with India. Over its 250-year history, the East India Company became the world’s largest private business, amassing more wealth, income and military power than even its own British government. Despite being a private company, it became a colonial power—collecting taxes, operating courts, and running the military and other functions of state across many kingdoms within India. At the time, the East India Company had more ships, soldiers, money and territory under its control than any European government, though now it is remembered as a rogue machine. Since then, the lines between government and private companies have often blurred.

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AI Is ‘Moronising’ And ‘Colonising’ Us All Over Again, Says Rajiv Malhotra’s Book

Snapshot
  • Every policy-maker in India should read Rajiv Malhotra’s book to understand what we are up against and what we need to do to overcome our tech deficits.
  • We don’t have much time to lose.

Artificial Intelligence and the Future of Power: 5 Battlegrounds. Rajiv Malhotra. Rupa Publications India. 2021. Page 520. Rs 450.

One the greatest challenges facing modern democracies is the speed of technological change, which makes it difficult for society — any society — to even begin to understand technology’s impact on itself.

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AI & The Future of Power, Book review

Sounding a Tocsin

I will start with a quotation from elsewhere:

“Power” is considered an ability, the exercise of which can influence or control behaviour, in our context, of people. The term “authority” is often used for power perceived as legitimate by the social structure. The exercise of power is accepted as fundamental to humans as social beings……The quest for mundane power since ancient times finds cultural expression through many forms (e.g., birth/wealth/knowledge/ physical strength). The world has always witnessed apparent shifts in power structures…..Power finds expression both as soft and hard. An interesting game of power can be observed in how the global socio-politico-economic narratives have been not only designed but also are consistently under the control of a few…..[1]

And Rajiv Malhotra in this remarkable book educates us about a most dangerous game of power being played by a few.

It is a remarkable book because it is perspicacious, comprehensive, systematically structured, simply written, and easily read.

It is a conceptual tour de force – a ‘purva-paksha (critical analysis) of forces that threaten [our] civilization’. 

(Hopefully, there will be a softcover edition too, affordable for students.)

Rajiv Malhotra seems to write primarily for ‘public intellectuals’ and ‘concerned citizens’ and ‘non-experts’ (presumably what is called ‘civil society’ these days) – and most certainly his is an invaluable introduction of this subject to them.  He writes to stimulate thought and debate (he promises a sequel for action, though he suggests directions in this book too) – but, frankly, even from his own narrative (‘time is running out for India’), it is clear we do not have the luxury of time to just talk.  We need action.

He details how Big Tech, the USA, and China (with its ruthless ambition) are jockeying for control over the rest of the world, and especially over an India of which they are sponsoring its breaking.  His book favours the sama aspect of Chanakya Niti.  But, no, it is now time for bheda and danda.  Therefore, decisions are needed. And needed fast. 

His book is a warning and it must be read by all policy-makers and those holding the reins of power in our polity. Consider his book a set of working papers for our decision-makers. 

In particular, it must be read by:

  1. The Prime Minister and the Ministers responsible for Defence, External Affairs, Education, Employment, Finance, Commerce, Home, Industry, Information, and Law. By the National Security Advisor and by the Chief of Defence Staff. (And all of them reading it will ensure those subordinate to them will read it too.)
  2. By the proponents of ‘Constitutional morality’.
  3. By those of our political representatives who, in legislatures, prefer exercising their brain rather than their brawn.
  4. By educationists, and in Indian think tanks.

It must be read by all Indians concerned with the future of our country, of our children and of ourselves.

Because do we want to control our own destiny, or do we want others to control it – and us?

This is a war, as the subtitle of the book tells us. If Sanjaya had divya-drishti, Rajiv Malhotra has an eagle’s eye.  He scans for the reader the battle weaponry and array of the fighting powers. 

He opens with an introduction and an overview of what Artificial Intelligence (AI) is all about and then he details each of the battlegrounds. He starts with the broad context of education and employment and their determination by ‘data capitalism’.  Then, geopolitics and the ‘hard power’ that determines it (one is reminded of jiski lathi uski bhains). The third is ‘the moronization of the masses’ (surely the lesson behind Juvenal’s panem et circenses has been well-learnt by Big Tech). The fourth is ‘the metaphysics of consciousness’ and a psycho-cultural analysis that ends with the ‘crash of civilization’ (the literal de-humanisation of the masses into ‘happy morons’).  And, finally, India as a battleground.

We are familiar with the phrase Samuel Huntington made popular – ‘the clash of civilizations’. Yes, there is a clash but, for us, the clash is between dharmic civilisation and the asuric ones who define us as their enemy.  Ours sees all creation as interconnected (Malhotra refers to ‘Indra’s Net’); asuric civilisations see creation discretely, to be subjugated by the human. Power in the former is to be sought ultimately over oneself; in the latter, over others.[1]

This is something we still choose not to recognise.  The asuric civilisations fight with normative values radically opposed to ours. Theirs are to conquer or kill, their ethos is adversarial and absolute; ours are to adjust or accommodate, our ethos is consensual and contextual. 

Let us never forget that nowhere, but nowhere, in the world where these asuric civilisations (including their so-called secular derivatives) have conquered have they allowed a meaningful survival of any earlier civilisation.  There is not one significant exception to this worldwide historical fact. India is the last major bastion of a non-asuric civilisation. For a thousand years, they have been trying to conquer us, and we are fighting with our backs to the wall.[2] 

Artificial Intelligence, as Rajiv Malhotra proves, is just their latest – and currently most powerful – weapon against us.

The India of which Malhotra writes he calls tamasic, ‘at best a poor imitation of the American dream’, a dream he notes which in America has become a nightmare with its increasing ‘deaths of despair’.  This is an expected expansion of what has been described elsewhere as ‘the Other America’.  For India, he details our apathy, ignorance, naivete, foolishness, denial, and self-delusion. He details the selfishness of our elite the ambitions of too many of whom are only to be compradors for Big Tech and the West – and we groom our youth to be servitors to them. Malhotra seeing digital existence as being ruled through the agency of ‘Google-devata, Facebook-devata, Twitter-devata’, we can see Big Tech as Kamadeva, to whom we willingly enslave ourselves.  

We are, Malhotra shows, welcoming our re-colonisation – ‘If data represents national wealth, India is for sale’.

There are some recent glimmers of hope but we still are blinkered by our inferiority complex for the West and by ‘the fantasy of having a Western identity’.  

Rajiv Malhotra is an intellectual kshatriya.  He argues as ‘a patriotic Indian…..a spiritual person with a strong foundation in Vedanta, physics and computer science’ (and there is an eloquent discussion of Vedic Social Science).  He is no Luddite, but he shows quite clearly that, for India to regain control over AI, we must re-discover ‘our metaphysical roots in dharma’.

Towards such an end, he wonders whether the social engineering practised by China and the USA through the ‘gamification of society’ cannot be used in India to ‘install Vedic principles in society’.  It will be intriguing to see whether and how he deals with this in the sequel he intends to this book, because this requires the formulation and enforcement of dogma (he says ‘non-negotiable principles’, but a footnote admits a conceptual difficulty), whereas the foundation of the dharma is in its ratiocinative freedom.[3]  Such freedom of the intellect is entirely antithetical to the asuric objective, strategy and technique, though the latter finds support from amongst those of us who would define our dharma through ‘essential rituals and practices’ they themselves adjudicate! 

There are conundrums arising from some juxtapositions in the book. Thus:

How do you reconcile a Vedic conception of the human (“with the goal to maximize good karmas”?) with a reductionist conception of humans as ‘biological algorithms’, humans as machines, ‘the so-called human-machine’?  Indeed, with human-machine hybrids, with machines driving humans, with the machine as human?[4]

How do you reconcile what Malhotra points out as the Vedic isomorphism of the human body and cosmic body, of the human mind and the cosmic mind, of yatha pinde tatha brahmande with, again as he points out, the reductionist ideology that any unity we see is synthetic, false and artificial?

How do you reconcile a Vedantic conception of the self (aham brahmasmi) with the self ‘simply an identity that serves the pragmatic function of competitiveness’, and with ‘the battle for hijacking the self…already being won by AI’?

You can’t. 

‘The ultimate effect of this technology is to breakdown individuals into fragments in such a fundamental manner that it undermines their integral unity and selfhood because of no unified centre of existing in this model.’  Exactly so.  It makes us, what has been pointed out elsewhere, ‘enucleated universes’.

How do you reverse our moronism?  ‘The phenomenon of moronization of the Indian masses originated at least one thousand years ago’.  How do you combat what has been building up over a millennium when our Constitution – rooted, as Malhotra notes, in the West – is designed to encourage the Breaking India fifth columnists into perpetuating our dhimmitude and macaulayism, into our remaining morons?[5]  

So, how will it end?

‘At some point, the elites will argue their case for depopulating the earth…..Depopulation will eventually lead to a new equilibrium and an entirely different world’. This will be a world of ‘AI-based digital systems’ controlled by that elite to serve its own ends; an elite that begins ‘to perceive the masses as a parasitic liability’; an ‘AI-based utopia’ for a few, emerging ‘after several decades of this digital genocide of sorts to reduce the population painlessly’, viewing ordinary humans ‘as no more than specimens in lab studies, slaves and beasts of burden, or pets…’.

Then there is the Covid-19 pandemic which Malhotra sees as a ‘hinge point’ in human history. He sees the proliferation of the use of AI in dealing with the pandemic as ‘a great leap forward in the march of AI’ and, says he, it could also be an opportunity for India to ‘leapfrog ahead’.  Indeed, it will be instructive to understand the interplay of culture and AI in pandemic management in the widely different USA, China and India, with widely different pandemic outcomes.     

In sum, digital capitalism, the re-colonisation of the world as digital colonies, digital fascism and the colonisation of (what remains of) the human mind – Rajiv Malhotra’s book shows the onslaught is already well underway. 

If they have not already done so, our decision-makers must also read three classics: Aldous Huxley’s Brave New World, George Orwell’s Nineteen Eighty-Four and EM Forster’s The Machine Stops. The methods and their expression are different but the motivating principles have not changed, and you can identify their parallels quite easily in Rajiv Malhotra’s book.

The Big Tech Controllers and Mustapha Mond.

Depopulation and Bokanovsky’s Process.

The USA, China and Oceania, Eastasia.

AI as a technopoly, and The Machine as Deity.

Rajiv Malhotra quotes Vladimir Putin – ‘Artificial Intelligence is the future…..Whoever becomes the leader in this sphere will become the ruler of the world’.

How is ‘world ruler’ to be defined?

Malhotra shows how the asuric civilizations define it.  A dharmic civilization would have it as ‘vishvaguru in a Vedic sense’, and alert, not complacent.

‘The civilization that was once a world-class knowledge producer and exporter has become the biggest importer and consumer of foreign products and services….’. 

He quotes Narendra Modi – ‘We need to make Artificial Intelligence in India and make Artificial Intelligence work for India.’

And there you have it.  That, eventually, it is about power, and who wields it over whom and how.

‘Decolonising AI is an absolute necessity for India to be a viable nation.’

Events are overtaking us far faster than we can consciously react or adjust to them.

AI is a strategic weapon’.  Will India be able to wield this astra?  

Malhotra calls for a Minister of Digital Affairs, and one hopes such a worthy will have read this book.

He reminds us of lessons of the Ramayana and the Mahabharata, that ‘soft power is always contingent on hard power’.

There is a third lesson of which we need to be reminded.  In making their decisions, our decision-makers would do well to remember Srikrishna’s advice to Arjuna:  

mayavinam ch rajanam mayayaiva nikruntatu [6]

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AI & The Future of Power, Book review

Five battlegrounds that India can ignore at its own peril

Author Rajiv Malhotra has picked up a most relevant subject of artificial intelligence wherein the machines are going to dictate the future of humanity. This would impact the world, its growth, security and welfare of humans occupying it. In fact, the machines are going to be the new occupants of the globe or to begin with co-inhabitants of humans. The powers of the machines would surpass the human competence, capability and capacity, making it extremely challenging for the ordinary human to co-exist with the new competence of machines.

The machines would constantly pry on data, self-learn and mimic humans. They may, may not or may have selective cognitive ability, but once the algorithms get auto-generated by machines purely based on the data reservoir, it would pose a great challenge. Human dependence on machines would be inescapable and is likely to make humans dumber or as he says morons. Rajiv Malhotra cautions that this would render a large number of traditional jobs redundant, throwing millions of people out of jobs. He is especially worried about India where a large number of people may be simply reduced to the labours of the world. He also fears that if India does not reinvent itself, it might even become a digital colony of the world.

The author has divided the book into two parts. Part 1 deals with Algorithm versus Being. He covers the future applications of machines, as they say, ‘use cases’ and how these use cases would impact the job market, the world economy, its security dynamics and ultimately impact or disturb the world order. Part 2 is dedicated to India, calling it the Battleground India. He has apprehensions about India’s capability to keep pace of digital evolution and fears that if stringent programmes are not implemented, India could become dependent on imported technology and the Indian data could entirely land up in foreign hands reducing India into being a digital colony either of China or of the US. If this happens, its image might be reduced to it becoming a mare labour market of the world. This would be detrimental to our national security and therefore our honourable existence. He has substantiated his hypothesis with certain historical evidence.

The book is written in simple and readable language which can be easily grasped by a layman or a practitioner of IT or AI. The content is divided into various chapters covering the battlegrounds in logical and well-articulated manner. Last 70-odd pages are various appendices, notes, bibliography, etc.

The book covers the entire AI as an activity of disruptions as he calls the five battlegrounds. The first battleground is for economic development and jobs. Second, on the impact on the industrial and economic growth of the world leading to redefining the world order. The third battleground deals with the impact on the human mind, i.e., the Battle for Agency. The fourth battleground deals with the impact on society and culture that would change the behaviour pattern of various societies. The fifth and the most significant battleground that the author describes is the preparedness of Indian nation state and its ability to manage this change.

The book is a fantastic read for both laymen and professionals. It gives a good insight into the future of the machines and the destiny of humans and therefore the future of nations. As a military thinker, this book can become the basis of understanding how the future battles would be fought, making great departures from the conventional battles. Autonomous applications of machinery make humans largely redundant as most of the dangerous jobs would be outsourced. It would be a great challenge for command and control of robot soldiers and autonomous machines who might report to its originator and not the one who employs it. Similarly, the AI-based industrial machinery plants may bring in the quality differential in the final product making business suffer from relative inferiority of similar kinds of product, killing the competition.

Business and military intelligence both in the hands of adversary would certainly mean getting enslaved or colonised by the world that would understand and invest in artificial intelligence ahead of others. It is extremely critical to understand that the runners up would never be winners because the machines would empower better machines throwing the competition beyond the reach and control of a human being. The trick therefore is in starting early.

This book is highly recommended for university education of future generations and should be considered a must-read for the policy and law makers of the country. This book would certainly raise hackles, as issues brought out would and should become a matter of immediate public debate in India.

The reviewer is former Deputy Chief of Integrated Defence Staff of India.

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